Showing posts with label myths and religion. Show all posts
Showing posts with label myths and religion. Show all posts

Friday, October 28, 2016

Día de los Muertos: 2016 | Reflections of an Expat

Día de los Muertos, Day of the Dead, is fast approaching. A dear Mexican friend living in Pátzcuaro, Michoacán (our home for our first three years in Mexico), posted British expat Clarita Mannion's thoughtful, beautifully written reflection on this most Mexican of traditions. I pass it on to you in its entirety. 


Let me die like a Mexican: embracing the Day of the Dead


A civilisation that denies death ends by denying life.”

— Octavio Paz.


They say you only truly die when your name is spoken for the last time. Nowhere is this more true than in Mexico, where Día de los Muertos – or Day of the Dead – takes remembering lost loved ones to a whole new level.
At first glance, this national holiday may pass for a Mexican version of Halloween, with its spooky skeletons and sweet treats. But while modern Halloween exists purely to peddle pumpkins and face paint, Día de los Muertos is a bittersweet reflection on love, loss and life well lived.

According to Mexican tradition, November 2nd is the one day when souls can leave the afterlife. To help guide lost loved ones back to earth, families build elaborate altars in homes and graveyards. These offerings are draped with flower garlands and colourful crêpe paper, and hung with corn cobs, fruit and sugar cane. Dozens of flickering candles light the way, while the scent of cempasúchil – Mexican marigolds – hangs in the air.

Water, salt and sweetbread, pan de muerto, are laid out to nourish the dead after their long journey home – and it doesn’t stop there. Children’s graves are festooned with sweets and toys, while tobacco and tequila are left to tempt the spirits of adults. Families even prepare platefuls of their loved one’s favourite meals for their short time back on earth.

All this may sound morbid, but Día de los Muertos is far from a day of moping and mourning. Families gather to remember those they’ve lost, not with sadness but with songs, stories and laughter. The foods from the offerings are eaten, music played and memories shared.

To outsiders, this lack of solemnity may even seem disrespectful. But as a friend explained,
“When someone you love dies, it affects you every day, so why would you be sad on the one day they’re back here with you?”
When you look at it like that, it’s hard to argue that the Day of the Dead is anything but beautiful. But how can it possibly comfort those who – like me – don’t believe in heaven, souls or anything else beyond this world?

As an atheist, I spent my first year in Mexico looking at Día de los Muertos from the outside in; as something only other people believed in. The religious. The spiritual. Those brought up in Mexican culture. Another couple of years on, though, and I was starting to understand that this remembrance is much more than merely symbolic.

Believe in what you will, let’s say all those who ever cared about a particular person gather together in one place to remember them by sharing their most vivid and vibrant memories. Surely then, for that one moment at least, that person’s spirit really is there?

And so, while I have endless wishes for my life, I now have only one for my death: 
let me die like a Mexican.
When I’m gone – with any luck many years from now – let me be remembered as Mexicans are. Let bright orange blossoms, the gentle glow of candles and the smell of my favourite foods guide me home; let me be brought back to life once a year through the love and laughter of those who knew me.
If that’s not life after death, I don’t know what is.
Clarita's blog: Thinking Through My Fingers

Friday, October 30, 2015

Halloween and Day of the Dead: Same? Different? Little of Each?

This question doesn't even come up in Mexico's traditional, rural regions, but it's increasingly relevant in Mexico's urban settings, where television and the supermarkets have introduced the trappings of Halloween into Mexican culture.  Along the culturally porous frontier region between Mexico and its northern neighbor, of course, this is indeed an intriguing question.

Halloween: Western European Tradition

Halloween, or Hallowe'en — a contraction of "All Hallows’ Evening" — is also known as Allhalloween, All Hallows' Eve, or All Saints' Eve. Regardless of what it's called, it is a yearly celebration observed in a number of countries on October 31, eve of the Western Christian feast of All Hallows' (Saints') Day that begins the three-day observance of Allhallowtide — the season in the liturgical year dedicated to remembering the dead, including saints (hallows), martyrs, and all the faithful departed believers.

Pre-Christian Roots

All Hallows' Eve is influenced by Celtic harvest festivals, particularly the Gaelic festival Samhain (pronounced / sah-win or sow-in), which marks the end of the harvest season and the beginning of winter or the year's "darker half". Traditionally, Samhain is celebrated from sunset on October 31 to sunset on November 1, which puts it about halfway between the Autumn Equinox (September 21) and the Winter Solstice (December 21).

Evidence exists that Samhain has been an important date since ancient times. It is mentioned in some of the earliest Irish literature, and many important events in Irish mythology take place or begin on Samhain. It was the time when cattle were brought back down from the summer pastures, and livestock were slaughtered for the winter.

Special bonfires were ritually lit. The bonfires' flames, smoke and ashes were deemed to have protective and cleansing powers and were also used for divination, especially regarding death and marriage. Some suggest the fires were a kind of imitative or sympathetic magic — they mimicked the Sun, helping the "powers of growth" and holding back the decay and darkness of the coming winter.

Samhain was seen as a liminal time; that is, when the boundary between this world and the Otherworld thinned and hence could more easily be crossed. This meant the 'spirits' or 'fairies' — Aos Sí (pronounced / ees shee) — could come into our world. At Samhain it was believed that the Aos Sí — gods and nature spirits — needed to be propitiated to ensure that the people and their livestock would survive the harsh winter. Offerings of food and drink were left outside for them.

The souls of the dead were thought to revisit their homes seeking hospitality. Feasts were held, and souls of dead kin were beckoned to attend. A place was set for them at the table and a spot was reserved for them by the bonfire.

Mumming (seasonal folk plays performed by troupes of actors) was part of the festival, as was guising, when people went door-to-door in costume (disguise), often reciting verses in exchange for food. The costumes may have been a way of imitating, and disguising oneself from, the Aos Sí. Impersonating these beings, or wearing a disguise, was believed to protect oneself from them. It is suggested that the mummers and guisers
"personify the old spirits of the winter, who demanded reward in exchange for good fortune."
On the custom of wearing costumes, Christian minister Prince Sorie Conteh wrote (2009):
"It was traditionally believed that the souls of the departed wandered the earth until All Saints' Day, and All Hallows' Eve provided one last chance for the dead to gain vengeance on their enemies before moving to the next world. In order to avoid being recognized by any soul that might be seeking such vengeance, people would don masks or costumes to disguise their identities."
From at least the 18th century, "imitating malignant spirits" led to playing pranks in Ireland and the Scottish Highlands. In the 20th century, wearing costumes and playing pranks at Halloween spread to England.

photograph
Traditional Irish Halloween turnip (rutabaga) lantern on display,
 Museum of Country Life, Ireland
The
"traditional illumination for guisers or pranksters abroad on the night in some places was provided by turnips, hollowed out to act as lanterns and often carved with grotesque faces."
Those who made them said the lanterns were to represent the spirits or, alternatively, to ward off evil spirits. They were common in parts of Ireland and the Scottish Highlands in the 19th century. In the 20th century they spread to other parts of England and became generally known as Jack-o'-Lanterns, which in North America are carved from pumpkins.

Christian Influences

Today's Halloween customs are also thought to have been influenced by Christian dogma and practices derived from it. Since the time of the early Church, major feasts in the Christian Church (such as Christmas, Easter and Pentecost) had vigils that began the night before, as did the feast of All Hallows'. Collectively referred to as Allhallowtide, these three days — eve of October 31 to sunset on November 2 — are a time for honoring the saints and praying for the recently departed souls who have yet to reach Heaven.

Introduced in the year 609, All Saints was originally celebrated on May 13, the same date as Lemuria, an ancient Roman festival of the dead. In 835, at the behest of Pope Gregory IV, All Saints was officially switched to November 1, the same date as Samhain. Some suggest this was due to Celtic influence; others suggest it was a Germanic idea. It is claimed that both Germanic and Celtic-speaking peoples commemorated the dead at the beginning of winter, which may have been seen as the most fitting time to do so, since that was when the plants themselves were 'dying'.

By the end of the 12th century the three days of Allhallowtide had become holy days of obligation across Europe and involved such traditions as ringing church bells for the souls in purgatory. In addition,
"it was customary for criers dressed in black to parade the streets, ringing a bell of mournful sound and calling on all good Christians to remember the poor souls."
In medieval Europe at Halloween,
"fires [were] lit to guide these souls on their way and deflect them from haunting honest Christian folk." 
Households in Austria, England and Ireland often had
"candles burning in every room to guide the souls back to visit their earthly homes."
'Souling', the custom of baking and sharing soul cakes (a small, round traditional cake) for all christened souls, has been suggested as the origin of Trick-or-Treating. The custom dates at least as far back as the 15th century and was found in parts of England, Flanders, Germany and Austria. Groups of poor people, often children, would go door-to-door during Allhallowtide, collecting soul cakes in exchange for praying for the dead, especially the souls of the givers' friends and relatives. Soul cakes would also be offered for the souls themselves to eat, or the 'soulers' would act as their representatives.

Halloween Customs in North America

The practice of guising at Halloween in North America doesn't appear until 1911, when a Kingston, Ontario, newspaper reported children going "guising" around the neighborhood. Another reference to ritual begging on Halloween appears, place unknown, in 1915, and a third shows up in Chicago in 1920. 

Trick-or-Treat is a customary Halloween celebration for children, who go house to house in costume, asking for treats such as candy or sometimes money, with the question, "Trick or Treat?" The word "trick" refers to "threat" to perform mischief on the homeowners or their property if no treat is given. But it turns out that Trick-or-Treat may be a 20th century invention. The earliest known use in print of the term "Trick or Treat" appears in 1927, in the Blackie Herald of Alberta, Canada.

American historian Ruth Edna Kelley of Massachusetts wrote the first history of Halloween in the U.S., The Book of Hallowe'en (1919). In the chapter "Hallowe'en in America", Kelley describes souling and has this to say on customs that arrived from across the Atlantic:
"Americans have fostered them, and are making this an occasion something like what it must have been in its best days overseas. All Halloween customs in the United States are borrowed directly or adapted from those of other countries."
Between the turn of the 20th century and the 1920s, thousands of Halloween postcards were produced showing children, but not Trick-or-Treating, which doesn't seem to have become a widespread practice until the 1930s. The term first appeared in the U.S. in 1934, and its first use in a national publication occurred in 1939.

Día de los Muertos / Day of the Dead: Mesoamerican Roots

Original peoples in South Central Mexico and North Central America (Mesoamerica) are known for having "very elaborate forms of spirituality" linked to the annual agricultural cycle grounded in the sun's annual passage across the heavens.

Mexico's geography, climate and natural forces, are very different from Europe's. The vulnerability of this land's early inhabitants to the vicissitudes of natural phenomena — volcanic eruptions, earthquakes, cyclones from the Pacific, hurricanes from the Caribbean and Atlantic, landslides, floods, and drought — honed in them a keen awareness that they were indeed not in charge; in fact, they were at the mercy of la naturaleza (forces of nature). The Mesoamerican worldview has been described like this:
"Rather than imagining a god separate from his creation, the thinkers of Mesoamerica conceived of the divine as the Life-Force itself, constantly creating, ordering, sustaining, destroying and recreating the world."
The Mesoamerican peoples perceived the cosmos as centered on the human world at the earthly level, around which the sun revolved in its daily cycle, rising to the zenith of Heaven, then descending into night and the Underworld. These themes appear in the design of the altars or ofrendas, offerings, that reproduce the Mesoamerican cosmovisión ("worldview"). The altars represent the
  • Underworld [ground level], where incensarios (censers burning copal) are placed; the 
  • Earthly level [midpoint], where offerings [bread, fruit, water, salt, tequila, cerveza] are placed; and the 
  • Heavens [upper level], with images and photographs of the dead.
Ofrenda, Offering, in private home;
a neighbor is placing her gift of fruit

The altars, characterized in most cases by their bright colors, are complete with copal incense and sweet drinks fermented from corn, chocolate, typical dishes like pumpkin or sweet tamales. It is customary to place the names of the deceased with their photographs.
"Here, what appears is a celebration of Life, there is a joy in being connected with the dead. (...) I believe that it is the end of a human cycle that is lived with great joy," observed Andrés Merino, a member of the Institute of Anthropological Research at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) .
During this celebration, in addition to going to the cemeteries, children often go out on the streets to sing praises and ask offerings on behalf of the dead, with a chilacayote (a fruit similar to pumpkin) with a candle inside. Dr. Merino believes this custom leads to confusing Día de los Muertos with Halloween.

Spanish Catholic Influences

The Catholic Hispanic legacy is seen, for example, in the pan de muerto [bread of the dead], made with wheat flour [introduced by the Spanish], eggs, sugar and anise; in the placement of fruits and flowers not native to the region [also brought by the Spanish] on altars, and in the use of candles and such Christian concepts as "souls" in referring to the dead who return this one night in the year.

Same, Different, Little of Each?

At first glance, Halloween and Día de los Muertos are similar. Both relate to the agricultural cycle, itself linked to the sun's annual journey, and both occur at the midpoint between the Autumnal Solstice and the Winter Equinox. The belief that the souls of the dead return home on one night of the year seems to have ancient origins; it is found in many cultures throughout the world but, as the saying goes, 'the devil is in the details'.

The European harvest festival was motivated by anticipation of the "dark part" of the year and the fervant desire to gain protection against it. However, Mexico's unique geography and the Mesoamerican cosmovisión that grew up in response to the natural challenges faced by Mexico's early peoples gave rise to both a form and meaning of Día de los Muertos that is quite distinct from the symbolism of Halloween.

Nonetheless, the medieval Spanish Catholic legacy that is part of Mexican culture in general and Día de los Muertos in particular does share common elements with the tradition of Halloween. This becomes more understandable when we realize that the region inhabited by the Celts included a large part of the Iberian Peninsula (Spain).

The pan de muerto, for example, is similar to the soul cakes that are part of Halloween, as is the use of candles and reference to such Christian concepts as "souls" for referring to the dead who return on this one night.

Pan de Muerto / Bread of Death in shape of human with crossed arms
Photo: Reed
As as it did in Europe, human welfare in Mexico depended on the agricultural cycle for producing successful corn crops, which culminated with the "harvest festival" or "festival of the dead" presided over by the goddess Mictecacíhuatl, known as Lady Death, and her husband Mictlantecuhtli, Lord of the Land of the Dead. Today, Lady Death is represented as La Catrina, the character created by graphic artist José Guadalupe Posada and made popular by his disciple and friend, Mexican muralist Diego Rivera.

La Catrina is in center in this detail from Diego Rivera's
 Sueño de la tarde dominical en la Alameda Central /
Dream of a Sunday Afternoon in Alameda Central 
(1947)


Mexico / United States

Mexico and the United States are a single geological region, increasingly linked economically, socially and culturally. What better way, then, to introduce the cross-border cultural influence — which today pretty much runs in both directions — than by presenting Tucson Artist Hank Tusinski's ~:BANDA CALACA:~ now at the Tucson Museum of Art until January 3, 2016.

The work features a nearly life-size, 15-piece free-standing papier mâche skeleton mariachi band with musical instruments on an installation about 12 feet high, 25 feet long, and 6 feet wide. The work is unusual given that Tusinski is a devout Zen Buddhist:
"Tusinski’s work focuses on integrating the beliefs of Mesoamerica, Mexican contemporary indigenous communities, and contemporary Buddhists about death as a transformational process to be celebrated. A journey to Michoacán, Mexico, introduced Tusinski to the indigenous P΄urhépecha peoples’ use of music in their Festival of the Spirit as an embodiment of spirit. This is the well-spring of ~:BANDA CALACA:~." 
Tusinski says
“The fundamental dilemma of existence is the nature of life and death. There is potential liberation and joy in death. ~:BANDA CALACA:~ is offered with the intention of creating the opportunity to view this transition as energy that continues infinitely. The skeleton band represents the individual and the universal dance in the eternal flow.”
Dr. Julie Sasse, TMA Chief Curator and Curator of Modern and Contemporary Art, said:
“Tusinski’s ~:BANDA CALACA:~ is a riot of color, pattern, and imagery. His work reminds us to celebrate life in death, to honor the past in the present, and to embrace the universality of spiritual openness.”
~:BANDA CALACA:~  ...  an energetic representation of the Life-Force itself ...

~:BANDA CALACA:~
Hank Tusinski
Photo: Courtesy of the Artist

See also: Día de los Muertos.


Tuesday, October 27, 2015

Día de los Muertos (Day of the Dead) Traditions

This morning I saw a photo on Facebook of an ofrenda (offering, altar) in the home of a thoroughly modern young Mexican friend in observance of Día de los Muertos — Day of the Dead. Her photo reminded me of the importance of Día de los Muertos throughout Mexico.

Graves in observance of Día de los Muertos in Tzurumútaro Cemetery,
outskirts of Pátzcuaro, Michoacán 


A few minutes later, I received a lovely note from a long-time, faithful follower of Jenny's blog, letting me know that she is referring first-time visitors to Mexico to Jenny's Día de los Muertos posts. It occurred to me that it might be useful to have them all in one place, so I've listed them at the bottom.

Día de los Muertos is actually a two-day celebration:
November 1 is dedicated to the souls of children who have died and to those of adults who have never married. In the predawn hours of November 2, it is believed that the spirits of all who have died are able to return to their homes, guided by the candles and burning copal (incense).
Families keep vigil through the night to welcome these souls either next to ofrendas set up in their homes, or at their graves in the cemeteries, which are bathed in candlelight. The profusion of traditional orange marigolds gives the light an unforgettable amber glow. In the background is heard the soft murmur of family members conversing quietly in quite an ordinary way. In no wise is this a sad occasion; rather, it is a profound moment for recalling Life in Death.

Día de los Muertos (Link to Page display of Posts described below)

These first three posts were written just after we  moved from Pátzcuaro, Michoacán — where we'd made our home for three years — to Mexico City. Feeling somewhat disoriented in our new urban setting and homesick for the traditions that now felt so far away, I found myself drawn to tell the story of Día de los Muertos as I had come to understand it from the Purhépecha tradition:
This highly personal post deepens the spiritual meaning of death in Purhépecha communities:
Then, last year, I came upon an article in the Mexican press that provided the long-sought answer to a key question about this powerful tradition:
Here's one describing Día de los Muertos Observances in other parts of Mexico:
Here's an excellent account of what happens in the first four years after death, grounding the tradition in 'Aztec' (Nahua) philosophy.

Saturday, November 1, 2014

Day of the Dead Altars: Symbols

Today is the first day of Día de los Muertos, Day of the Dead, a two-day commemoration of those who have died.

One year when we lived in Pátzcuaro, we traveled to a nearby pueblo to visit their panteón, cemetery. On the way, we passed a house whose street door was wide open. Inside we could see a seven-tier altar in commemoration of the grandmother, who had died that year.

Seven-Tier Family Altar Honoring the Grandmother
Photo: Reed Brundage

I've always wondered about the meaning of the seven levels, so I was pleased to come across this article in Aristegui Noticias [News]:
"If there is one tradition that unites Mexicans, it is Día de los Muertos, Day of the Dead. November 1 and 2 are two days dedicated to those who have departed. It makes no difference whether they left yesterday or a hundred years ago. The deceased return because we call them. 
"They return to enjoy what they find on the altar dedicated to them. Or they return to listen to us sing their favorite songs in the graveyards. They return, and we find them at some point, whether in the cemetery or in what was once their house, where their photographs are still displayed."
The altar is an essential component of Día de los Muertos. Altars with two levels represent Heaven and Earth. Altars with three levels represent Heaven, Purgatory and Earth. The most traditional altar has seven levels, which represent the levels the deceased must pass through in order to rest in peace.

As with most things in Mexico, there is great variation in the arrangement of the altar levels. Here's how they appear on the diagram (starting at the top):
  • Level 1: Image of Saint to whom deceased is devoted;
  • Level 2: Intended for the Souls in Purgatory and that the Deceased might have permission to leave that place;
  • Level 3: Salt is placed to purify the Spirit of the Children from Purgatory and so the body is not corrupted on the journey;
  • Level 4: Pan de muerto, Bread of the Dead, is offered as nourishment for the Souls;
  • Level 5: Food and Fruit preferred by the Deceased;
  • Level 6: Photo of the Deceased to whom the altar is dedicated;
  • Level 7: A Cross fashioned of Seeds, Fruit, Ash or Lime; serves so Deceased may expiate his or her sins.
Source: Notimex via Aristegui Noticias

Across the bottom of the diagram is a row of circles displaying the principal elements used in altars:
  • Water: Water of Life is offered to Souls of the Dead to alleviate their thirst;
  • Candles: Candles and votive lights guide Souls to their old homes and illuminate their return to their ultimate abode;
  • Cut Paper: Represents the Wind and Festive Joy;
  • Flowers: Adorn the altar ...
  • Orange petals of marigolds, cempasúchil, form the path that guides the Souls;
  • White represents the Sky;
  • Yellow represents the Earth;
  • Purple represents mourning and cleanses the place of bad spirits.
  • Figure of Dog Xoloitzcuintle [Mexican Hairless]: Allows the Spirits of Children to feel content as they arrive at the banquet;
  • Woven Bed Mat, Petate: Serves as a bed or table so the Spirits may rest; 
  • Bread of Dead, Pan de Muertos: Its circular form represents the Cycle of Life and Death; it has four appendages in the form of a Cross that symbolize the Four Cardinal Directions;
  • Sugar Skulls: Allusion to the Death that is ever-present;
  • Drinks: Deceased Spirit's favorite beverages.
Let me leave you with one more image. The altar shown below is dedicated to those who have died in the violence in Mexico. The walls are covered with white handkerchiefs on which the story of a victim's death has been stitched in red thread by a member of the group Fuentes Rojas, Red Fountains | Bordando por la Paz, Embroidering for Peace.

Photo: Fuentes Rojas Facebook Page 

Thursday, November 1, 2012

Mexico's Día de los Muertos (Day of the Dead) Blends Indigenous, Spanish Traditions

Paying respects on November 1 at the Panteón (Cemetery) 
with flowers and other offerings, Mixquic, Mexico City
Photo: Elizabeth Ruíz/Cuartoscuro
Last night I reread Jenny's previous Día de los Muertos (Day of the Dead) posts. I didn't see how I could improve on them. Their descriptions of the roots of the annual celebration deep in the soil of the Mesoamerican cosmovision is compelling.
But this morning I came upon this article in Milenio, a Mexican newspaper. I've translated it for Jenny's English-language readers. Links to the three original Jenny's posts are provided in Still Curious? (scroll down).
Sand painting for Día de los Muertos in Oaxaca. Photo: Internet

Milenio: November 1, Mexico • The legacy of the pre-Hispanic Mesoamerican and Catholic traditions converge in Mexico on the Day of the Dead, a festival of the dead, whose rituals are authentic living testimony to this cultural fusion.

In an interview, Andrés Merino, a member of the Institute of Anthropological Research National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), observed:
"The origins of the celebration of the Day of the Dead in Mexico predate the arrival of the Spanish (...), but are fused with the medieval Catholic tradition."
Original peoples in South Central Mexico and North Central America (Mesoamerica) are characterized as having "very elaborate forms of spirituality" linked to the harvest and structured around a cycle of four celebrations culminating with the "harvest festival" or "festival of the dead". Merino added:
"The dead play an important role in the entire agricultural cycle, their support is requested at critical moments, such as for arrival of the rains for growing corn. (...) They are the intermediaries with the gods of rain."
The festivities were presided over by the goddess Mictecacíhuatl, known as "Lady Death" (currently related to "Catrina", character created by the graphic artist José Guadalupe Posada [and made popular by Diego Rivera]) and her husband Mictlantecuhtli, Lord of Land of the Dead.

With the arrival of the Spanish, the harvest tradition was merged with Catholic medieval customs and modifications appeared in the preparation of offerings and altars—the ones seen today reflect this cultural fusion (syncreticism).
"The offerings are great symbolic, artistic expressions. There is an order in the way they are represented, and it is here where this tradition of combining the cultures appears," he said.
The Catholic Hispanic legacy is seen, for example, in the pan de muerto [bread of the dead], made with wheat flour [introduced by the Spanish], eggs, sugar and anise; in the placement of fruits and flowers not native to the region [also introduced by the Spanish] on altars, and in the use of candles and Christian concepts, such as "souls" to refer to the dead who return this one night in the year.

Family Altar, Pátzcuaro, Michoacán, to honor the Grandmother, who had died in the past year. Photo: Reed Brundage
The Mesoamerican origins, meanwhile, appear in the design of the altars that reproduce the cosmovisión ("worldview") unique to these cultures. The altars represent: the
  • Underworld, where incensarios (censers burning copal) are placed; the 
  • Midpoint [earthly level], where offerings [bread, fruit, water, salt, tequila, cerveza] are placed; and the 
  • Upper level [heavens], with images and photographs of the dead.
The altars, characterized in most cases by their bright colors, are complete with copal incense and sweet drinks fermented from corn, chocolate, typical dishes like pumpkin or sweet tamales, and it is customary to place the names of the deceased with their photographs.
"Here, what appears is a celebration of Life, there is a joy in being connected with the dead. (...) I believe that it is the end of a human cycle that is lived with great joy," observed the expert.
During this celebration, in addition to going to the cemeteries, children often go out on the streets to sing praises and ask offerings on behalf of the dead, with a chilacayote (a fruit similar to pumpkin) with a candle inside. Merina believes this custom can confuse Day of the Dead with Halloween, a festival of Nordic tradition, which has been introduced into Mexican culture through the influence of television and the supermarkets.
"The Halloween influence has to do with the middle class that goes to the supermarkets, which reflect the influence of U.S. television. (...) But this is not the tradition in the traditional communities," he added.
In 2003 UNESCO declared The Day of the Dead to be an Intangible Heritage of Humanity. The celebration lasts for two days: November 1 is dedicated to the souls of children who have died and adults who have never married. In the predawn hours of that last day (November 2), Mexicans keep vigil in cemeteries for all their dead.

Still Curious?

Sensitive photos of Día de los Muertos vigils on Janitzio Island (Pátzcuaro, Michoacán) convey their beauty and simplicity, followed by photos of altars prepared in Oaxaca.

Related Jenny's Posts:
Report of traditional Día de los Muertos customs in Andrés Mixquic a pueblo-mágico in the Delegación (Borough) of Tláhuac, Mexico City (Spanish only), and how they are slowly, sadly, changing.

Saturday, August 18, 2012

Ball Court Game in Mesoamerican Culture

What better introduction to the Mesoamerican Ball Court Game played on Mexican soil for nearly 4,000 years and to the land that introduced the rubber ball to the world than the Mexico Team's first-ever Olympic Gold in soccer—¡fútbol!

Mexico's Gold Medal Soccer Team at 2012 Olympic Games

Cambridge University classicist Nigel Spivey (The Ancient Olympics) argues that the Olympics were invented as preparation for war. For the young men of Ancient Greece, the quadrennial sporting tribute to the god Zeus was also rehearsal for armed conflict. The games equipped young men with a spirit of self-sacrifice and the stamina that underpinned Greek supremacy in battle.

Nor can commercial aspects of the modern Olympic Games be ignored. Updates of construction costs (jobs!) and revenues attributable to the Games appear regularly in the press.

None of this would have seemed strange to Mesoamerica’s early ruling elites. Ball games were spectacles enjoyed by all social classes. The economics of ball games included long-distance trade of the rubber balls prized for play. Not infrequently ball games involved high-stakes gambling—perhaps one way that power was negotiated between rival factions, since it was believed that the winner was chosen by the gods.

Ball games demanded skill and endurance from players and, yes, they also involved sacrifice. Natural forces were spiritualized in Mesoamerica. Civic life was deeply religious: official ceremonies conveyed symbolic, religious meanings.

Ball Game Played with Rubber Ball

Games of 'foot on ball' were played in England and Northern France in the eighth and ninth centuries. In England, players kicked around an inflated pig's bladder.

The rubber ball comes from Mexico and Central America. Rubber balls didn't arrive in Europe until the late sixteenth century—most likely introduced to Europe by the Spanish sometime after Hernán Cortés defeated the Aztecs in 1521.

The Olmec culture on the Gulf of Mexico in modern-day Veracruz State is the foundation culture of the cultures of Mesoamerica. In the Nahua language spoken by the Aztecs, Olmec means "people of the rubber". The Maya used rubber to develop weapons with handles, such as hammers or hatchets; the Aztecs developed medicinal uses for rubber; and both the Aztecs and the Maya used rubber to waterproof clothing.

The best rubber comes from tropical gum (rubber) trees that grow at elevations lower than 600-700 meters (2,000-2,300'), which makes it obvious that the oldest ball court found to date is located in the region of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, southern Mexico, on the Pacific Coast.

Its symbolic and practical values made rubber a valuable Isthmian product for trade into the highlands (Central Mexico). The Aztec rulers in Tenochtitlán demanded an annual tribute of 16,000 rubber balls.

Ball Courts

The earliest ball court found so far is located on the Isthmus of Tehuántepec at Paso de la Amada, which flourished from 1800 to 1000 BCE. Its ball court was 80 meters long and 7 meters wide (260' x 23'), bounded by long parallel platforms about 2 meters (about 7') high.

The first ball court we saw is located at Tingambatu, Michoacán, in the hills between Lake Pátzcuaro and the  mid-sized city of Uruapán. Tingambatu is of Chichimeca origin and means "Hill of Mild Climate".

Ball court at Tingambato, Michoacán
Photo: Reed
Chichimeca is the Nahua name for semi-nomadic tribes from the north and carries the same connotation as 'barbarian' in Europe. Over two hundred Mesoamerican ball courts have been found in the Southwest United States! This excellent description of ball courts has a photograph of the circular Wupatki ball court north of Flagstaff, Arizona.

Formal ball courts were long rectangles, averaging about 40 meters (130') long, though many were less than 20 meters (66') long. The Grand Court at Chichén Itzá was 150 meters (about 490').

Ball courts were oriented to the heavens, often in ways that marked the equinoxes or solstices. 

Grand Court at Chichén Itzá on the Yucatán Peninsula
Photo: Reed
"I"-shaped Ball Court at Uxmal, Yucatán
Photo: Reed

Formal ball courts were enclosed by sloping walls, but pick-up games could be played on any level surface.

Ball Court at Monte Albán, Oaxaca, with sloping walls and "I" end zones.
Photo: Reed
Ball Court at El Tajín, Veracruzone of seventeen ball courts at the site!
Photo: Reed
How the Ball Game was Played

Two teams of one to seven players moved a rubber ball around a court. The action was somewhat like soccer. Players wore body protectors made of leather and wood. We know about these body protectors mostly from representations carved in stone found in the Gulf lowlands (Veracruz). Today's archaeologists call these items yugos ("yokes"), which weighed about 30 pounds (13 kilos) and fit snugly around the hips.

Other paraphernalia, also represented in stone, were hachas ("axes") and palmas ("palm stones"), so-called because of their shapes. Palmas were hand-held and may have been used to put the ball in play. 

The ball game was played in many ways. In the most common variant, players kept the ball aloft by hitting it with their hips and scored if the ball touched the ground of the opposing team's end of the court. Some courts featured rings embedded in the walls at the center line.

Goal Ring at Chichén Itzá's Grand Court
Photo: Wikipedia Free Library
Ball Game Ring in the Garden at the Frida Kahlo Museum, Coyoacán.
Photo: Reed
Passing the ball through these rings would have been extremely difficult but players who scored were accorded not only gifts but extremely high honor.

El Tajín: Ball Player (left) receiving Staff of Honor for superior play
Photo: Reed
Why the Ballgame?

Trying to understand the Mesoamerican ballgame highlights an interesting cultural phenomenon: the appearance of something seemingly familiar in a totally new cultural context introduces meanings so different that the familiar becomes distinctly unfamiliar. The Mesoamerican ballgame is a good example: it carried meanings far more finely nuanced than any modern game of soccer.

Formal ballgames were religious and political occasions, recreating sacred events related to the fertility of the earth, while at the same time providing an opportunity for lavish feasts intended to  demonstrate a ruler's wealth and power in ways that made it possible to cement political alliances.

Mythic Meanings

Early Mesoamerican peoples believed that spiritual forces inhabited both physical geography and biota (flora and fauna). They revered things that exhibited the constant movement that signified the Life-force—reflecting mirrors (obsidian), feather-work banners that ruffled in the breeze, shining metal that cast glints of brilliance.

In this context, latex (rubber) was valued not merely for its practical qualities (medicinal applications, waterproofing clothing), but for its sacred essence as well. The flow of latex from gum trees was associated with the flow of blood, which was held to be the single most important offering that humans could make to the gods. In both Aztec and Maya creation myths, the gods sacrifice themselves by shedding their own blood to create humanity.

El Tajín: Ball Player performs an act of bloodletting; his stream of blood feeds the Fish God (bottom left).
Click to enlarge. Photo: Reed

In Nahua, the word olli means rubber, and the Nahua word ollín means motion or movement—the movement that represents the Life-force itself. When put into play or motion, the rubber ball would have represented the vital Life-force inherent in all things that move.

The ball court in Mesoamerican cosmology assumed symbolic functions. The alley represented the sun’s path; specifically, its nightly travel through the Underworld. Round markers in alleys of Maya courts frequently bear a quatrefoil cartuche, representing an opening to the Underworld.

In the Maya Popol Vuh, the mythic Hero Twins descend to the Underworld to play ball against gods of the Underworld. The game becomes the metaphor of Life, Death, and Regeneration, as the Twins resurrect their father, now reborn as the Maize God, from the court of death.

Yaxchtitlán, Chiapas: On the entry stairs to the Great Temple is this depiction of the mythical Ball Game; dwarfs from the Underworld play with Lord Bird Jaguar IV (at left). Stairs have liminal value as places between This World and the Other World.
Click to enlarge. Photo: Reed

Detail: Behind (left) Lord Bird Jaguar IV, the ball rolls down the stairs, which symbolize passage through the liminal zonethe zone that exists between chaos (world of nature, which ends in death) and cosmos (world of gods, which is endless movement, ollín, Life-force).
Photo: Reed
The two teams respectively personified the forces of light and darkness that conflict at dawn and at dusk. It was believed that time elapsed only with human activity, so it was through the ritual of the ball game that individual ties were established with the cosmic order.

Ritual ballgames were carried out to ensure the continuity of the natural cycles—first and foremost, the sun’s daily cycle: sunset, death and rebirth at dawn. But the ballgame ritual was also carried out to ensure continuity and success of the annual agricultural cycle, which was based not only on the daily regeneration of the sun but the seasonal regeneration of the corn, maize, as well.
  • Spring Equinox: Ballgames were part of the ceremonies related to the burning of fields and other activities connected with the approaching end of the annual dry season and preparation for planting.
  • Summer Solstice: Ball games announced the arrival of the rainy season.
  • Autumn Equinox: Ball games celebrated the harvest.
  • Winter Solstice: Ball games held at the beginning of the dry season signaled the start of trade to distant territories and preparations for war.

Sacrifice

In Mesoamerica's difficult geography (Mexico and Central America), prosperity was attributed to the spiritual efficacy of rulers (god-kings) charged with mediating on behalf of their people with the powerful ‘otherworld’. Ball game imagery is filled with themes of fertility, including sacrifice in the service of fertility.
Ball Court at El Tajín: The bare spot in the grass is in front of the wall where visitors have stopped to study images of the ball game ritual carved into the stone (see below). Click to enlarge. Photo: Reed
El Tajín: At left, Ball Player receives charge from Priest, with symbol of ollín (Life-force; intertwined ribbons) at their feet. At right are a Jaguar God and God of Death. Click to enlarge. Photo: Reed
Representations of the sacrifice of individuals in association with the ball game have given rise to the notion that losers were ritually dispatched at the end of each game. This would certainly have been the case in official ball games, which had symbolic value. At the end of the game, the losers—and apparently sometimes, the winners—were killed with the obsidian knife highly sharpened to assure a clean cut.

El Tajín: The Ball Game ritual reenacted the sacred battle between the cosmic forces of creation and destruction. The God of Death presides (left margin) over sacrifice of Ball Player (loser and possibly the winner).
Click to enlarge. Photo: Reed
Negotiation of Power / Conflict Resolution

The ball game also provided political rivals an arena for resolving conflicts. Players representing rival factions contested on the ball court at auspicious dates on the ancient calendar. It was assumed that the gods chose the winner and the loser, who was sacrificed at the conclusion of the contest.

Archaeologists analyzing the number of ball courts in the Central Highlands of Mexico and in the Valley of Oaxaca have concluded that many early communities had ball courts during periods of political fragmentation, when the need to resolve conflicts was presumably high. Conversely, during periods of political centralization, ball courts were found only in the larger capitals.

The appearance of the massive ball court at Chichén may have been one of the means by which the Itzá rulers indicated their larger goals of making their capital the premier political center on the northern Yucatán Peninsula. Conversely, the absence (to date) of a ball court at Teotihuácan may be an indicator of their ability to control by other means, such as by means of their extensive trade routes.

Ball Games as Spectacles and as Demonstrations of Economic Power

The ball game was a spectacle enjoyed by commoners and aristocrats. Aztec kings ranked the ball game high as a leisure activity. It is known that some kings sometimes played. Certainly they watched the action of the game and gambled on the outcome. Kings wagered valuables like jewelry, slaves, land and houses, and quantities of cacao beans.

Aztec rulers also understood the entertainment value of the ball game and staged such events when:
'the common folk and vassals were very fretful ... [in order] to animate the people and divert them. He commanded the majordomos to take out the rubber ball, and the girdles, and the leather hip guards, and the leather gloves with which the ruler's ball players were dressed' (Sahagún 1979 [1569]: 58).
Note: Bernardo de Sahagún (1499-1590) was the first anthropologist in the Western Hemisphere. A Franciscan friar, he spent fifty years interviewing the priestly and educated Aztec elite in order to record their culture. The evangelical intent was to replace ancient rites and rituals with Christian devotional activities, but Sahagún's work is widely respected today as a primary ethnography of Aztec culture.
Like today's Olympics, ball games not only provided entertainment but they also served to reinforce the economic power of rulers. Bumper crops, dependent on adequate rainfall, impressed both potential followers and rival factions. The annual arrival of the rains was arguably the ruler's most basic demonstration of spiritual efficacy, followed closely by command of resources (closely related to surpluses arising from bumper crops) for the construction and maintenance of ball courts and for hosting ballgames accompanied by lavish feasts.

Hence the ball court can provide a clue to chiefly power. Abandonment of the ball court at Paso de la Amada, for example, is taken to be an important indicator of the decline of the ruler's power.

Summary

Throughout Mesoamerican culture history, the ball game played not only a key role in community life,
but was also a crucial social tool for mediating relations between communities.

Still Curious?

This post is indebted to two classic archaeological works:
  • Susan Toby Evans encyclopedic work Ancient Mexico & Central America: Archaeology and Culture History, which was written originally to be a college textbook.
  • Mary Miller and Karl Taube's An Illustrated Dictionary of The Gods and Symbols of Ancient Mexico and the Maya--what Reed and I call "the god book"!
Jenny's Travel Journal:
In addition to the Grand Court, the religious center at Chichén Itzá had twelve other, normal-sized Maya ball courts. Slides 9-11 of this walking tour of Chichén Itzá show the temples at each end of the Grand Court with its "I"-design.

Wikipedia:
This Soccer History Timeline gives an interesting global overview of multiple 'games played with the foot' and credits Mexico and Central America as the origin of the rubber (latex) ball, but its dates of "600-1600 AD" are off. Archaeological research puts the dates from 1800-1000 BCE.

Mike Schepker's highly readable paper on Mesoamerican Ball Game has interesting material.

New York Times: The Greater Meaning of the Olympic Games Can Depend on Where You Live.

Friday, May 18, 2012

El Tajín II: On Ants, Gods and the Hill of Plenty

As I was finishing up the first post on El Tajín, the Totonaca ceremonial center in Veracruz state, I found myself poking around on the Internet just checking to see what else was available. Startled, I came upon a more or less recent report of a new hypothesis regarding the site's design issued by El Tajín's Academic Archaeologist—who among us US-ians would believe that such a post might actually exist? I couldn't resist checking it out.

Mantenimiento
 at...El Tajín?

The report first piqued my interest when I read about a cerro de los mantenimientos—"hill of maintenances?" 

My mind jumped to how, while working at Pemex (Mexico's oil company) over twenty years ago, I struggled to pronounce the word 'man-ten-ee-mee-YEN-toe'—where, of course, every other word uttered by the oil company's engineers was about plant maintenance!

Launching yet another Internet search, I found a delightful Mesoamerican legend that read like a fable: set in Cem Anáhuac (Nahua name for Mexico, which means "land with water all around"—the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans), the legend has starving Humans, talking Red Ants, a greedy, defiant Red Ant Queen, a furious Tlaloc (god of water) and a somewhat clueless Quetzalcóatl (feathered serpent who, in his manifestations as Ehécatl, is god of the wind). 

I was enchanted, and I hope you are, too. A summary of the hypothesis is followed by the legend. I translated both. Here are links for those of you who might enjoy reading these pieces in Spanish:  

New Hypothesis Regarding the Design of El Tajín

At the 2010 Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology in St. Louis, Missouri, El Tajín's Academic Director, Archaeologist Patricia Castillo Peña, announced that an interdisciplinary team of specialists from Mexico's National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH) have developed a new hypothesis regarding the design of the Totonaca archaeological site at El Tajin, Veracruz.  In Castillo's words, 
"...so far we have addressed the importance of this city beginning with its architecture or size, but our proposal is that its appearance as a city around 600 AD was determined by symbolic aspects of the Mesoamerican tradition."
Given all I've written about the role of metaphor in Mesoamerican culture, especially its cosmovisión (worldview), you can understand my interest. Archaeologist Castillo links their new hypothesis to the work of renowned archaeologist Alfredo López Austin:
"...in his book El mito del tlacuache (The Myth of the Opossum), López Austin asserted that 'under the mountain’s crust of stone and earth are the abodes of gods and the dead, realms of freshness and vegetation forbidden to man (...) Conversely, the people would  replicate the sacred hills, ... they would build the pyramids, artificial mounds whose summit would be inhabited by the gods'."
Castillo explained that the new hypothesis arose from pinpointing a hill whose location just East (Rising Sun) of El Tajín makes it a likely sacred hill. 

Cerro de los mantenimientos, or 'Hill of Plenty', located East of El Tajín.
The red lines identify three buildings thought by archaeologists to relate to the sacred hill in the "emulation of concepts linked to fulfillment of the [Mesoamerican] 'vital' cycle." 

Subsequent archaeological investigations have uncovered a series of altars half-way up the hill and at its summit—findings that seem to substantiate the archaeologist's hypothesis that the hill was perfectly sited to perform the role of the cerro de los mantenimientos recounted in the Mesoamerican legend.

The Spanish word mantenimientos doesn't have a good direct English equivalent. It is usually translated as sustenance or provisions, but these words lack poetic impact. Reed suggested plentyHill of Plenty, as comparable to the Horn of Plenty. Although an atypical translation, plenty conveys the sense of fullness, completeness, that is suggested by the Spanish word.  

Traditional Legend of the Hill of Plenty

Here is the legend as retold by Oscar Méndez Luna:
Long ago, when men still did not have houses or temples, food was not found as it is today. It is said that the gods arranged the plants, seeds and fruits in the world so every man and animal might have food to eat. This is the story of how it happened. 
The gods had created the new world, and there were plants, and there were people and animals. But the gods saw that their creations were not happy as they had left them. Then they decided to send one of their own to see what was happening, and their choice was Quetzalcóatl. 
So, the deity came down from heaven and walked about the world, he felt the sun, he breathed our air, and he enjoyed what he saw. But there seemed to be no trace of the seeds, grains or fruits that the gods had created for the earth. 
As the gods had arranged everything in one place in the world, Quetzalcóatl searched for the culprit, dazed by all he saw, but he found nothing until his eye fell to the ground, and there he beheld a strange and wonderful spectacle. 
Thousands of busy red ants were walking by Cem Anáhuac with small seeds, grains, etc., forming a long line that disappeared into the distance. The god decided to investigate this matter thoroughly. 
He walked with the ants and suddenly found himself facing a huge hill, which the little ants were entering. Quetzalcóatl decided at that moment to continue and find out what the ants were doing with everything they were stealing, since they were taking over the god’s divine powers. The god turned himself into a small black ant. 
As an ant, Quetzalcóatl approached the line. One of the ant guards yelled at him: “Sister, what are you doing hanging around when we have a hill to fill?” 
The god quickly got in line and helped another ant load something heavy. Then he presented himself inside that he might be assigned a new job. 
Quetzalcóatl continued with the game. He helped another ant and began to walk toward a small entryway that existed in that mysterious mountain. 
     “I've never met an ant like you,” said the ant to Quetzalcóatl, who could only respond, “I got too close to a fire and got roasted.” 
      The other ant said, “That's interesting, now you load so we don’t waste any more time.” 
When he entered the hill, Quetzalcóatl marveled. The hill was hollow and had served as home to the ants. There were thousands of interconnecting tunnels. At the bottom of the main chamber of that hollow hill, he found a small lake that was like a sea for the ants. On its shores were planted small plants and seeds, although the vast majority of things were stored in thousands of chambers that served as warehouses. 
Thousands of ants lived in that small city, but while they enjoyed the benefits of these precious foods, the other animals were suffering hunger. 
Quetzalcóatl knew that something was not right, so without further delay he went to seek out the ruler of that place. Despite many setbacks owing to the ants’ persistent efforts to put him to work for the enterprise, he arrived at the Queen's chamber, guarded by soldier ants who blocked his way. 
But Quetzalcóatl was firm: he wanted to enter. The god didn’t want to waste any more time, so he used his magic to destroy the guards and doors. Then he entered and found a giant ant that was being fed unceasingly by others. 
     "Who dares enter my room without being invited?” shouted the Queen, much annoyed. 
     “Keep silent in my presence,” shouted Quetzalcóatl in reply, “for I am one of the creator gods. I am Ce Acatl Topiltzin Ehécatl Quetzalcóatl, and I demand to know why you intend to fill this hill.” 
     “If you were really ‘roasted’ Quetzalcóatl, I myself would welcome you with a fiesta full of good food, but you cannot come here to demand anything. Catch him and kill him! We will feed him as porridge to new workers!” 
Annoyed when the ants tried to attack, Quetzalcóatl just suddenly vanished into thin air. Then as the wind [Ehécatl], he swept swiftly up the hill and ascended into the heavens where the other gods awaited his return. The god told them what he had seen, and all the gods turned to Tlaloc. 
The rain god was also responsible for keeping watch and making sure that all the hills in the world stayed filled with water. The hills are like huge water jars, hollow and filled with the essential fluid, which is why clouds rise up from the hills on hot days, like steam from a pot on the fire. 
Tlaloc got really upset because the ants had made an unforgivable mistake. Thus, the two gods returned to the world, but before Quetzalcóatl could do anything, Tlaloc took his staff of thunder and divided it into four pieces. 
The four Tlalocs (blue, red, yellow and black) each took one of the four canes of thunder and placed each one at a corner of the hill (north, south, east, west). They aimed and fired a tremendous lightning bolt that blew the hill apart from its base. Absolutely everything blew away—plants, seeds, fruits and grains along with the terrified ants flew through the air. 
So for the wrath of Tlaloc, all the natural ‘provisions’ came by way of this explosion to each corner of the world, thus giving man and all the animals an opportunity to make a living anywhere in the world. 
What happened to the ants? They survived, and they were also dispersed into the entire world. However, by the same explosion, many of them turned black like black ant Quetzalcóatl. That's why when red ants see black ants, they run to attack them because they think the black ants are the god that removed them—the ambitious ones with power over the food for the entire world. 
And the hill that was destroyed was known as the “Hill of Plenty”. It was the site symbolically represented on the right side of Templo Mayor, which was the side of Tlaloc. 
Thus, the Templo Mayor of México-Tenochtitlan was the mythical representation of two sites at the same time: the hill of the serpents [Quetzalcóatl] and the hill of provisions. Although the site of the Templo Mayor might also have its own interesting history. [END]
Still Curious? 

Jenny's Journal has several posts that discuss the design of urban centers as replicas of the Mesoamerican cosmovision, which remained remarkably consistent across the entire region: