Showing posts with label Mexico informal economy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mexico informal economy. Show all posts

Wednesday, July 24, 2013

Sunday Afternoon Stroll Through Parque México in La Condesa

We lived in New York City for twenty years, which is where we became aware that most cosmopolitan cities break down into neighborhoods. Walk-able and hence know-able, neighborhoods offer residents what almost amounts to a small-town feeling. It's pretty much the same here in Mexico City. We're enjoying the process of becoming familiar with some of Mexico City's neighborhoods. Of course, we started with where we live, which is in Coyoacán.

Meridian walkway on street in La Condesa. The small wood structure with peaked roof and can of flowers is a shrine, most likely to the Virgin of Guadalupe. (Photo: Reed)
But this Sunday we decided to visit Parque México in La Condesa, the Countess. Leaving the taxi, we walked several blocks then stopped to rest a moment at a fountain located in the center of a traffic circle situated on a moderately busy street. A broad meridian runs down the middle (see photo above). This is a design of many busy Mexico City streets, and people actually use the walkways.

Walking on one more block, we entered the park. Reed mentioned that the park was in the shape of an oval and herein lies a tale.
Quiet paths wind through the park, whose gardens are lush and whose exotic plantings include bamboo and tall palm trees that give a tropical feel.
Although we've lived in Mexico for five years now, I confess I may never become fully accustomed to a country with a colonial history that extends back to 1521, when Hernán Cortés declared victory for the Spanish invasion, and a Mesoamerican history that reaches back three to five thousand years.

The contemporary history of La Condesa begins in the colonial period, when the Hacienda de Santa María del Arenal was established  between the pueblo (village) of Tacubaya and the pueblo of Romita. The hacienda changed hands several times until 1704, when it was acquired by the family of the Countess of Miravalle, Doña María Magdalena Dávalos de Bracamonte y Orozco, whose royal title gave the area its name, La Condesa.

Early in the twentieth century, a section of the northern part of the hacienda was subdivided to provide housing for an expanding upper middle-class population. Development slowed during the chaotic years of the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920), but the Jockey Club of Mexico constructed a racetrack that operated until the 1920's. In 1926, architect José Luis Cuevas envisioned the Parque México as an integral part of the urban design of Colonia Hipódromo, which is one of the three neighborhoods that, taken together, make up the area known today as La Condesa.

Intriguingly, the new subdivision was designed to conform with Garden City guidelines pioneered in 1898 in the United Kingdom by Sir Ebenezer Howard. Garden Cities was a method of urban planning for designing self-contained communities surrounded by "greenbelts" that contain proportionate areas of residences, industry and agriculture. The legacy of that movement continues to bring pleasure to the neighbors.

Strolling Through Parque México

What a surprise! Dogs, dogs and more dogs...of every conceivable breed. These photos hint at the canine activity:





This Fox Terrier never stopped moving...he was having a high old time chasing a stub of a stick
Devoted Cocker Spaniel
Attentive Collie
This fellow's interest was elsewhere!
Relaxed, alert, well-behaved....
Entrepreneurial Mexico

Reed has a saying,
"Wherever people gather together in Mexico, vendors will be there selling something to meet their needs."
The truth is that sixty percent of the Mexican economy is "informal", without the most basic benefits, such as health and pension. The informal sector is made up of people who hold temporary positions in large businesses (just like in the U.S.); day workers, which include the ubiquitous street vendors, domestic workers and agricultural workers; and small private businesses, like the albañiles (tradespeople) who do household repairs like plumbing, electrical, laying tile, painting, etc.

So we weren't surprised to come upon a vendor's cart doing a brisk business selling ... squeaky dog toys!
Vendor selling doggie toys!
Strolling on, we chuckled to come upon a mobile dog-grooming wagon. Clearly popular, customers were lined up waiting for service.
Mobile Dog-Groomer

I hope you're getting the message. Parque México is clearly 'the' destination for dog owners and their pets. But that's not all it is!

Paseo is a Spanish word that means promenade, especially in a public space like a park or plaza. During the colonial era, the paseo was highly ritualized: young men walked in one direction around the plaza or park; young women, accompanied by their chaperons, walked in the opposite direction.

In Pátzcuaro, Michoacán, when a young woman agreed to walk with a young man, it was to one of the vendors of nieve (ice cream) located at each corner of the Plaza Grande. Nieve in hand, the young couple and her chaperon would find a park bench to sit and eat their nieves, which gave the young couple an opportunity to chat privately...well, relatively privately.

It's not like that today. Today's activity in Parque México rivaled that of a Sunday afternoon in New York's Central Park. For starters, we were surprised to see some kind of New Age practitioner speaking intently to a woman lying back, eyes closed, in a canvas reclining chair. Above her, a sign proclaimed all kinds of practices ranging from a group listed as 'Prehispanic' to another group labeled 'New Age'.

A little farther along, we came upon a Reiki practitioner for dogs! But that's not all. Looking across the park, it was hard to see exactly what was going on, so Reed walked over and took a picture.

Young man walking on a strap about three inches wide anchored around two trees. There were three or four straps at varying heights off the ground.
The most amazing stunt we saw was a young man bounce, then sit down on the strap before bouncing back up to a standing position. All kinds of people were engaged in trying to improve their skills.

Next to the tight-walking straps was a fitness area with several different types of heavy-duty workout apparatuses.
This girl's father was helping her on the heavy metal fitness equipment

I don't want to give the impression that the park was nothing more than dogs (on and off leashes) and walkers. There were also cyclists of all shapes and sizes:

Cyclist's two dogs are harnessed together
A somewhat hesitant, if determined, cyclist
Father carrying young son in a rebozo. From the expert way the rebozo has been tied, I assume mom had a hand in it.
Dad rests while his youngster rides his tricycle
Another youngster enjoys a family outing on a rented pedal-cart!
Then we came upon a very wet pooch. What on earth?

One thoroughly soaked puppy!
A waterway runs through part of the park. 
We were fascinated by a large group of people on the bridge. What could they be gawking at? When we got closer, it became clear that dogs were swimming in the pool at one end of the waterway. Mystery solved.
This is the back end of the pool we saw from a distance.
Residential Surroundings

At about this time, Reed's appetite alarm went off, so we headed out of the park in search of a cafe. It was easy to find one, because the streets that border the park are lined with cafes. As we strolled, we enjoyed the houses that front the park. A typical description of the Condesa neighborhood reads,
"Fashionable and popular with younger business people, artists, students and intellectuals, it features a large number of international restaurants and nightclubs, despite the fact that it is mostly residential" (Wikipedia).
The architecture is a mixture of late nineteenth century houses and modern apartment buildings. In the nineteenth century, the Mexican elites were attracted to France and French culture. Mexico's Emperor Maximiliano (1864-1867), imposed by France's Napoleon III, introduced many architectural ideas drawn from the mid-century Parisian development plan of Baron Haussmann. During the years of dictatorship under Porfirio Díaz (1876-1910), these ideas were developed further in Mexico City, including in the La Condesa area.

The design of this house derives from French nineteenth century architecture.
One of Mexico City's many charms is the juxtaposition of seemingly discordant elements that nonetheless seem to 'work'. Side by side with the traditional house is a modern house painted an intense, cerulean blue (photo below):
Modern house with second floor atrium (green window frames) adjacent to traditional house on corner.
We finally made our way out of the park and chose a sidewalk cafe. Reed kept saying that La Condesa feels like Paris. I pushed back, arguing that it is far too lush to be Paris, but Reed persisted.

At the end of our meal, he smiled wryly and asked if I'd seen the mural behind me. I twisted around enough to see ... Toulouse-Lautrec:

The object between the couple is a lamp shade actually inserted onto the mural.
When will I learn that Mexico is not only all it seems to be ... but much, much more? 

Thursday, March 7, 2013

The Colonial Roots of Mexico City's Shopkeepers and Street Vendors

A funny thing happened on our way to the José Luis Cuevas Museum in Mexico City's Historic District. After almost five years in Mexico, Reed and I are pretty much accustomed to encountering adventures on even the most ordinary of trips. So when we set out to visit the Museum, we weren't looking for adventure but we weren't surprised when it appeared.

We found ourselves walking in a section of the Historic District new to us. Unlike many streets where street-level facades have been 'modernized', the area around the Museum has not suffered this fate. In order to see the original colonial features of buildings on the commercialized streets, one has to look up to the second and third stories. But in this neighborhood the colonial features of the buildings are satisfyingly at eye level.

As we walked, Reed's attention was increasingly focused on finding the best way to capture the street's magic in the camera's lens. Probably now is a good time to mention that when Reed turns on his camera and is looking for the 'best frame', he tends to wander off like a toddler. His wandering opened a space for some quiet reflections of my own.
The colonial structures caught my eye, but the sidewalk shops interested me even more.
I felt drawn to the people and to how the buildings are being used today. These streets are just a block or so east of the monumental grandeur of Mexico City's Zócalo (main plaza) and of the National Palace, the country's seat of government.

These buildings were first a symbol of the power of the Spanish Crown, then later of Mexico's landed elite. Now they are a working class neighborhood with small shops tucked into the original colonial structures. On Sundays, the streets are closed to traffic, which enhances the always-vibrant street life.

As I continued to stroll along the street of this gritty, yet dignified and friendly neighborhood, something tugged at a corner of my mind...asking that I pay attention.
The sign on the shop advertises "School Uniforms Rosita" - Rosita is the shop's owner
Then we turned the corner, and the José Luis Cuevas Museum came into view.
The Museum's trim facade makes a dramatic contrast to the gentle aura of benign neglect that characterizes the neighborhood.
Then and Now

The Museum occupies space in what was once a Convent for Franciscan brothers brought to evangelize the original people. My thoughts float back to the earliest years of Nueva España, the colony that Cortés established in the lands that today are Mexico. Few Spanish women made the arduous voyage to this colony on the other side of the ocean.

As a result, Cortes's former soldiers took indigenous women as their wives. But their offspring, the first mestizos (mixed-race people) were forbidden by the Crown to own land, hold office, or serve in the military. Consequently, mestizos were essentially outcasts surviving as best they could.

Excluded from gainful employment and labeled léperos ("oafs"), they were often reduced to becoming street people who lived by begging and petty thievery. Colonial accounts tell of motines, periodic riots by léperos who ransacked buildings, leaving them in shambles.

I remember being intrigued by an historian's observation that "sons beloved by their Spanish fathers were often set up as small shopkeepers." The sociologist in me wondered about the underlying logic...why shopkeepers?

Most likely, of course, the answer lies in the rich market tradition that predates the Spanish by hundreds of years. My hypothesis is that in setting up their sons as shopkeepers, these Spanish fathers were capitalizing on their sons' natural aptitudes and skills.

Reed has a saying that, "Wherever three Mexicans are gathered together, at least two of them are  selling something." Twenty years ago, my longtime Mexican friend commented, "Mercado (market) is an essential piece of Mexican culture." It has taken some time for me to absorb this aspect of the culture, and its richness seems to grow apace with my understanding.

Some of you are aware that Reed and I select and translate articles from the Mexican press--opinion pieces, expert analyses, government reports. We publish the translations in the Mexico Voices blog, thus making them available to English-speakers in the U.S. who want to understand our southern neighbor better.

One of the key themes over the last six months is that sixty percent of Mexicans work in what is termed the informal—i.e., cash—economy, which means that these workers lack such benefits as vacation and sick time, health insurance and pension. Sixty percent!

As I strolled through this unrestored colonial neighborhood, I couldn't help wondering whether the historic roots of these small shops may be found in those first marriages between Spanish soldiers who settled here seeking lives of luxury and leisure and the indigenous women who entered into those unions seeking a better future for their children. Are these the shops of the "cherished mestizo sons" of Spanish fathers who did their best to provide them with a means of making a living?

In the U.S., temporary or contract employment falls into this category. Jobs in Mexico's informal economy make up: 94% of work in agriculture; 73% in construction and manufacturing; 63% in transport; 48% in the service sector; and 22% in financial services, insurance and government posts.

Workers sitting at the side of the Mexico City Cathedral offering their services as albañiles (tradesmen):
Plumber and Natural Gas, Installer of Wall and Floor Tiles, etc. (Photo: René Soto in Milenio)
I also wonder about Mexico City's ambulantes, the street peddlers found on almost every street hawking their wares. Most certainly they are part of the informal economy. Ambulantes offer to drivers of cars stopped at traffic lights a variety of products: the day's newspaper, bottled water, sleeves to protect the bare left arm from the strong sun during the dry season, umbrellas during the rainy season, fruit, chips, candy...you get the idea!

Today on my way to the laundry, an ambulante selling leather belts called to me from across the street. We buy our drinking water from Sergio, an ambulante who brings the bottles from a platform on the front of a tricycle, which he supplies from his pick-up truck parked about a block away. Another ambulante pedals a tricycle with steam kettles from which he sells Oaxaca-style tamales wrapped in banana leaves.
One of Many Street Vendors Selling Food (Photo: Reed)
Is it possible that today's street peddlers are descended from those first mestizo outcasts?

Street Vendors in the Tabacalera neighborhood
(Photo: Reed)
Still Curious?

From Jenny's blog:
From Mexico Voices blog:


Thursday, May 3, 2012

Work in Mexico: "It's My Job"

On May 1 International Workers' Day was celebrated in Mexico, which brings to mind that according to research conducted by UNAM (National Autonomous University of Mexico), 55% of Mexican workers labor in the 'Informal Economy' and hence lack access to government 'social security' benefits (health and pension).
But, of course, I wasn't thinking about any of this on Sunday morning when the 'team' arrived to paint a living room wall and repair kitchen tiles in our apartment! 

Puesto (stand)—one of many!—selling hats in the center of Mexico City

This morning Sandra arrived, as she does every week, to help us out with the house. But this week was different.

Over the weekend, we'd not only had one wall of the living room painted a contrasting color, but we also had repairs made to the tile floor in the kitchen. This latter task involved emptying and removing temporary kitchen shelves—the contents of which were now neatly stacked on living and dining room furniture.

It was a typical Mexican enterprise. Lucky for us, Sandra's husband is an excellent painter, and their neighbor is an all-round handyman. So at 8:00 AM on Sunday morning—Sunday, because everyone has full-time jobs—the team arrived at the front door, ready to go.  Sandra came along to touch-up the paint job.

Reed was in Florida visiting his 98-year old parents. I spent the day in our home office. At one point, Sandra came to get something from the office closet and commented, "Relax, relax. Usually the kitchen is yours, but today it is ours. Relax." I chuckled wryly.

At the end of the day, duly impressed with the outstanding quality of the work, I complimented everyone on a job well done.

Culture Shock: Monday morning...

I knew I wouldn't quite be ready when Sandra arrived, so I asked Reed to tell her to begin washing the picture window as she usually does, and I'd be right out. But that isn't what happened.

Instead, Sandra began cleaning the kitchen. When I joined her, she explained her work plan: clean the entire kitchen, walls, cabinet fronts, floor, etc., and put the kitchen back together. She said she wouldn't touch the rest of the house this week. I protested, would she, por favor, at least clean the bathroom. She readily agreed.

As a busy professional in the U.S., I always had household help, and I'm accustomed to directing the work. But that isn't how it works in Mexico. It really isn't!

In Mexico, it seems that the worker is in charge of his or her own work. I can see that there might be reasons inside the culture, but still—wow!

Cultural Awareness: First cracks....

A chance conversation with a Mexican friend perhaps a year ago was eye-opening. Álvaro is a dentist born and bred in Pátzcuaro. I don't remember how the conversation started. But I do remember being startled by his comment, "When we Mexicans live in the United States and we don't understand the culture, we have a problem, but when foreigners living in Mexico don't understand the culture, they have a problem."

I vaguely remember thinking at the time, "Where did this come from?" As I recall, I was idly mentioning how independent Evangelina is in caring for Casa Mariposa, the house we rented in Pátzcuaro. My explanation made sense to me: Evangelina has cared for the house for decades...across several owners. In many ways, I thought, it is 'her' house—and that's what I thought I was communicating to Álvaro.

But something in my remark clearly set him off, because I also remember him carefully explaining to me that a mother teaches el trabajo, the work, to her daughters. Interesting because....

...we had engaged Daniel and his two sons to clean and reset Casa Mariposa's tile roof. After the work was completed, Daniel appeared one morning at the front gate with his two sons to inquire whether we had more work.

In the U.S., of course, the homeowner takes the initiative to call when there is work to be done. I felt awkward explaining to three people that we had no more work, and I mentioned my discomfort to Evangelina. Her response was telling, "Oh, it's okay that the sons were there; Daniel is teaching his sons how to do 'el trabajo'."

Culture Check: Breathe deeply....

Teasing out deeply rooted cultural assumptions is profoundly challenging! It might even be more difficult for those of us born in the United States. Until quite recently, the U.S. was remarkably self-sufficient, with everything we needed available well within our own borders.

The sheer size and self-sufficiency of the U.S. has given rise to what might be described as cultural myopia. In our minds, how it's done in the U.S. is the "way it's s'posed to be". The global spread of 'American' culture after World War II reinforced this mindset.

People from other parts of the world interact with other cultures as a matter of course. In Europe, for example, anyone traveling almost anywhere crosses language and cultural borders. Cross-cultural experience cultivates understanding that 'culture' is relative to a people and a place, and there's more than one way to live.

Finding ways to articulate underlying cultural assumptions that seem to reside in our DNA isn't easy. It takes patience and persistence.

Northern Europe: Green Shoots of Civil Society

For starters, prior to landing at Plymouth Rock, the first pilgrims forged and signed a compact of self-governance called the Mayflower Compact (1620).

But this agreement wasn't born de novo, or out of thin air. It was the latest development in an English political and legal tradition that can be traced back to the Magna Carta (1215), when a group of nobles sat the English king down and explained to him the facts of life. These facts began with a simple assertion of the limits to royal power and ended up with the king agreeing to establishment of a powerful parliament—for which he received, in exchange, the signatures of the nobles on an oath of fealty to the king. Over time, the Magna Carta became the basis for English citizen rights.

Spain: Locked in Medieval Traditions

So what were the rules of the game laid down by the Spanish king? For starters, nothing remotely like the Magna Carta existed in Spain. In fact, Spanish nobles were engaged in driving the Moors off the Iberian Peninsula for 800 years—from 710 to 1491. They weren't successful until almost 300 years after the Magna Carta was signed.

By definition, military tradition is authoritarian. When the Spanish aristocracy, devoted to military pursuits, weren't fighting the Moors, they engaged in sports and enjoyed culture—art, music, theater.

'Work' failed to engage aristocratic attention. In Spain, the professions and trades were practiced by the Moors and Jews until Ferdinand and Isabella, in the process of consolidating the Spanish kingdom, finally succeeded in expelling the Moors (1492). In order to 'purify' their newly united kingdom, the Catholic monarchs forced Jews either to convert to Christianity or face expulsion which, of course, had the unanticipated consequence of driving competence from Spain. 

But 1492 was also the year in which the Spanish monarchs commissioned Christopher Columbus to lead an expedition in search of a westward maritime route to Asia. Instead, of course, Columbus's voyage resulted in the arrival of Europeans to the Western Hemisphere.

Nueva España: Frozen in Medieval Social, Political, Economic Structures

One of the first to follow Columbus was Hernán Cortés. Born in Medellín, Spain, to a family of lesser nobility, Cortés sought his future in the New World, landing on the mainland for the first time in 1518.

Like their commander, Cortés's soldiers were second and third sons of noble families. Denied land by birth, they sought their fortunes in the Americas. From the outset, their goal was to reproduce in Nueva España the luxurious lifestyles of their parents and older brothers, including their devotion to sports, culture and their disinterest in work. 

Meanwhile, the Spanish Crown (Philip II) went on to defeat the Vatican States, which meant that the Spanish king, head of the Spanish Church, also controlled the Pope. The Spanish Crown thus joined together its authoritarian, military tradition with the authoritarian, theological tradition of the Catholic Church. Both Carlos Fuentes and Octavio Paz note that the Spanish Crown installed medieval political,  religious and economic structures in Nueva España, then froze further development in order to serve its own purposes.  

Cortés introduced the Sword and the Cross to Mexico's original peoples. The message was unmistakable: convert to the Cross, or die by the Sword.

The Spanish Crown was quick to consolidate control over its new territory. A Viceroy was sent to govern Nueva España, and an Archishop was sent to run the Church. In order to prevent consolidation of power in these far off lands, the Crown limited each Viceroy's stay to seven years.

Completely subdued, vanquished, were Mexico's indigenous people—heirs of a rich and complex culture. Their role under Spanish domination was to perform the labor needed to extract the resources (gold, silver, among others) that provided much-needed treasure for the perennially under-funded Spanish Empire. 

Formal System of Castes

Under the caste system that developed, only peninsulares (Spanish born in Spain) were allowed to hold land, obtain government positions, and serve in the army. The Spanish king rewarded Cortés's soldiers by granting them the right to use land and the labor of their land's original inhabitants. These huge estates—known as encomiendas—operated under a feudal system. Originally, all territory in Nueva España was held by the Spanish Crown, which meant that upon the death of the encomendero (estate owner), title reverted to the king. Over time, heirs were allowed to retain the land by inheritance, which gave rise to a wealthy landed class.

Criollos (Spanish born in Mexico) were not allowed to hold government positions or to serve in the army, but they did enjoy economic rights. Eventually, this right allowed them to inherit encomienda land granted originally to their fathers. Like their fathers, criollos tended to regard the land and its inhabitants as the source of wealth needed to support a luxurious lifestyle devoted to sport and culture.

Mestizos (offspring of Spanish and indigenous women) were excluded from all power, but neither were they obligated to work on the haciendas or in the mines. Treated as outcasts for centuries, mestizos survived as beggers and petty thieves. When provided for by their fathers, they sometimes achieved the status of small shopkeepers. Their Spanish blood gave them natural immunity to European diseases, so their numbers grew. When mestizos eventually made common cause with criollos, social change came about in Mexico.

Indigenous peoples had no rights whatsoever, which brings me to my point. When Cortés and his men beheld Tenochtitlán (Mexico City) for the first time, they asked each other if they were dreaming. Certainly, at the time it was the most magnificent city in the world—an extensive urban complex of canals, palaces and gardens.

Needless to say, his awe did not stop Cortés from destroying Tenochtitlán, but it stands to reason that the engineering, agricultural and artistic skills required to build and maintain an urban center like Tenochtitlán hadn't developed overnight. For centuries, these skills had been cultivated throughout Mesoamerica; they flowered in the major regional, urban, ceremonial centers; and they were shared across the region by means of an extensive trade network. 

Franciscan Friars: Missionaries, Teachers, Craftsmen 

After Cortés prevailed against the Aztecs, he asked the Spanish king to send monastic orders as missionaries to Mexico's original peoples. Friars of the Franciscan Order were the first to arrive. They established schools where youngsters learned to read and write and were introduced to European music and the arts.

Adults were trained in European agricultural practices—principally how to care for the livestock brought by the Spanish, horses, cattle, sheep, goats, etc. Keep in mind that indigenous agricultural practices then, as now, are based on sustainability and tailored to often-unique regional growing conditions.

The Franciscan friars were remarkably versatile: theologians, teachers, musicians and craftsmen. Special emphasis was given to the building trades needed to construct churches, convents, government buildings and palatial Spanish homes.

To the highly skilled indigenous tradesmen, the Franciscans introduced European methods for masonry, carpentry, iron work (smithing), weaving, dying, and ceramics. The friars brought techniques for building arches, which Mesoamerican culture had not yet figured out. Colonial-era buildings throughout Mexico testify to the friars' success, as does the deserved international reputation of Mexico's indigenous artesanía (craft tradition).

Mexico's 'Informal Economy'

To be absolutely clear, the social and political structure of Nueva España—authoritarian, hierarchical and often arbitrary—was designed to protect and preserve the Spanish ruling elite. The common people (los de abajo, those from below) had no choice but to defer to the demands and whims of anyone with any kind of official authority.

Excluded from all power, mestizos and indigenous people had to fall back on their own resources. Arguably, these resources, learned at the knees of their indigenous mothers, included such values as the primacy of the family and a tradition of work as honorable. It is in the trades—applying traditional techniques while learning modern ones—and in artesanía that ordinary people have been able to eke out a livelihood.

Grassroots activist Gustavo Esteva noted that the 8.1 Richter earthquake that devastated Mexico City in 1986 collapsed government-built houses, but those constructed using traditional indigenous methods withstood the shaking. 

Jenny's Theory: 'Informal Economy' is Rooted in Mesoamerican Culture 

Usually, positions and points of view expressed in Jenny's posts reflect those taken by Mexican writers. But here's an exception: I haven't seen anyone write this, but it seems to me that the roots of how today's 'los de abajo' 'make do' reach deep into Mesoamerican culture. I have in mind traditions of household work, including the preparation of traditional foods; but also the building trades, artesanía and, above all else, the mercado.  

A recently published report by UNAM (National Autonomous University of Mexico) notes that 55% of Mexican workers participate in Mexico's 'informal economy'—defined as workers who are either self-employed, or work for small, unincorporated businesses; either way, they are paid in cash. The report also notes that household workers make up about half of those in the informal economy.
Jenny's Aside: Once we saw how good the new tiles looked, we decided to replace the entire floor. When Álvaro arrived to do the additional work, he came with a second worker who turned out to be his older brother. Eventually I learned that all four brothers work in the business, dedicated to the building trades, carpentry, tile, etc.  
Álvaro had already told me that he'd learned el trabajo, work, from his older brother. When I had a chance, I asked the older brother, whom I addressed as maestro (master, teacher) to convey my respect, how he'd learned the trade. He responded quickly and with a smile, "From when I was a little boy...my father taught me." When I asked how his father had learned, he replied that his father had learned by working for someone else. 
El maestro is probably in his mid- to late-forties. Álvaro is probably a decade younger. So here's the pattern: their father learned the trade, then set out to build a family business for his four sons, who are now supporting at least four families on the (cash) income from their work. Undoubtedly, their small, family-owned business belongs to Mexico's 'informal economy'. 
People unable to find a "formal job" try to make a living any way possible—from selling something in informal street markets to doing odd jobs. On Saturdays a street market of probably fifty puestos (stalls) is set up on America, a major street near our apartment in an upper middle-class neighborhood of Coyoacán.

Moreover, our days are punctuated with the arrival of peddlers hawking their wares—the knife-sharpener man with his pushcart blows a distinctive whistle. A steam whistle announces the arrival of the peddler selling roasted sweet potatoes. But our favorite is the young man who peddles a three-wheel bicycle cart loaded with steaming pots of tamales, all the while singing out, "Tamales oaxaceños, tamales calientitos" (tamales Oaxaca-style, wrapped in banana leaves; 'calientitos'—'little' hot tamales). Note: -ito is the diminutive form widely, affectionately used in Mexico.

These street entrepreneurs are all part of the informal economy. Few Mexicans would say they are "unemployed", and official "unemployment" statistics are low. But as the report points out, these "facts" are deceptive.

There's more....

For many generations, the only things many Mexicans have had any control over was their personal pride and dignity. Despite the diminished social and political status and never-ending poverty that accompanied arrival of the Spanish, ordinary Mexicans have maintained an extraordinary sense of pride exercised with a quiet dignity.

Mexico's poet-activist Javier Sicilia tellingly named the movement he founded in response to the drug cartel-directed murder of his son in Cuernavaca, the "Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity".  Recently, grassroots activist Gustavo Esteva titled "Karama", or "The issue is dignity", a column he wrote for the newspaper La Jornada, in which he assessed the country's economic shortcomings.  

Astute cultural observers take note in Mexico of a need to maintain face that is remarkably similar to the cultural trait usually associated with Asia. A Mexican friend whose grandfather is Japanese, once commented to me that Mexicans feel a strong affinity with Japan, which they enjoy visiting because they feel so comfortable with Japanese culture.

For those of us raised in the U.S. and in the Northern European tradition, dignity is perceived to be an internalized trait—something we maintain in the face of any kind or degree of humiliating or insulting behavior. In this sense, dignity is more our private 'take' on ourselves than anything based on or requiring respect from others.

It is different in Mexico. Here, dignity and respect not only go hand-in-hand, but they are both very public. In general, Mexicans tend to feel strongly the need to receive specific, positive respect from others.

We witnessed this when an architect visited our house in Pátzcuaro to assess some repairs. He addressed our handyman deferentially as 'Don' Ramón, which surprised us. [The Spanish honorific 'Don' is used to show respect.] We tend to treat everyone equally and with respect, so we were taken aback by this formal show of respect.

Even the lowest status workers expect to be accorded careful respect. Their pride in their work is expressed in the oft-heard phrase, "Es mi trabajo" (It's my job). Hearing it, I am always struck by the 'quiet dignity' with which it is spoken, and the way the phrase seems to communicate—to my ears—a sense of personal mastery of the work that makes it worthy of respect.

Now it gets tricky....

A well-known U.S. business and cultural consultant writes about the challenges of giving feedback in Mexico. Timely, accurate feedback is an absolutely essential requirement, of course, for maintaining efficient production and quality control. He writes:
Unfortunately for U.S. businesses in Mexico, the hierarchical, authoritarian nature of Mexican society, going back centuries, has meant that presenting anyone with "negative feedback" of any kind—"from revealing mistakes, being the carrier of bad news, to criticizing or questioning a plan or project—[has generally been] considered disrespectful and [hence] taboo." 
My reaction upon reading those words? Wow!

Meanwhile, Back in Jenny's Kitchen....

All of this has given me a richer understanding of the team of tradespeople working in our apartment. Their sense of ownership over their projects makes much more sense now.

But one challenge remains. Pulling the refrigerator out to lay down new tiles is a perfect opportunity to pull out and clean the vegetable drawers at the bottom. I can't usually open the door all the way, because the kitchen cabinets are in the way.

Speaking of cultural preferences, as the daughter of a Dutch mother, I prefer to use a solution of baking soda and water to wipe down the refrigerator. Given my heightened understanding about Sandra's work and her pride in how she performs it, how might I suggest the baking soda-water solution as the preferred cleaning agent?

After thinking it over, I've decided to explain that "in my country, we have the tradition of cleaning the refrigerator with a baking soda-water solution. I wonder whether we might use this solution today...."

It's a formal Spanish structure that gives Sandra control over the decision. Wish me luck!

Still Curious?

Here's Jenny's 2011 post on Mexico's informal economy:  Mexico Traditions: Vibrant Informal Economy.

Mexican bureaucracy developed in response to the same conditions. See Jenny's post Bureaucracy: Encountering Labyrinths of Power.

On his Mexico Voices blog, Reed posted these just-released reports on the vulnerable status of workers and of children (translations, with links to original articles in Spanish).
Sixty percent of Mexican workers are on subcontracts
Fifty-five percent of Mexican workers are in the "informal economy" 
Half of Mexican workers earn less than $10 per day
Five out of six Mexican children are poor or vulnerable
Children living on the streets 

Boye Lafayette De Mente's, Mexican Etiquette and Ethics: Understanding Mexican Social and Business Behavior (1996) is a little dated now, sixteen years after publication; nonetheless, this little book has useful insights. Let me urge you to read it cautiously, skeptically, always asking, "How well does this point jibe with my personal experiences? What impact might Mexico's entry into the 'global economy' be having on this point?"