Tuesday, December 27, 2011

Holiday Traditions Criss-Cross the Border

From ancient times, international trade has been the mechanism for spreading the practical products of culture—foods (spices, sugar, tea, coffee, chiles, potatoes, rice, wheat, tomatoes...), plant products (cotton, silk, wool...). The list is seemingly endless.

But the international traders often brought home more than products...sometimes they also brought home ideas and cultural practices. Modern technology has simply amplified these traditional effects.

Navidad Blanca (White Christmas)

So it is that Mexico City this year proclaimed a Navidad Blanca. Some Christmas Trees were available when we lived in Pátzcuaro, but they sell briskly in Mexico City. Mexicans tend to prefer the taller Christmas Trees imported from the U.S. and Canada. This year over a million were imported and sold.

Locally-grown, Mexican trees are smaller, greener, softer, but they often go unsold. The issue has become controversial, politically charged.

In Mexico City's Zócalo, the giant plaza bounded by the Cathedral and National Palace (seat of the Mexican government), a giant artificial Christmas Tree has been set up—perhaps to avoid getting embroiled in the controversy, which was even debated in the Mexican Senate.

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In the background is the Cathedral (left) and the National Palace (right). 
To complete the scene, a highly popular ice-skating rink has also been installed. You might excuse this newcomer for thinking...New York City's Rockefeller Center!

A giant ice-skating rink rests in front of the Christmas Tree; the Cathedral is in the background.
But this is, after all, Mexico!  So at night there is always an abundance of fireworks!

Fireworks display in the Zócalo (Mexico City)


Cultural Fusion at la frontera

This cultural fusion is probably most evident at la frontera (the border), an arbitrary line quite literally drawn in the sand. At the conclusion of the Mexican-American War, the U.S. and Mexican governments established a joint survey commission that sent surveyors from both countries to determine the location of the border—the legal, international boundary that would delineate land the U.S. was 'annexing' from Mexico.

No less a respected authority than George Friedman (founder of the Stratfor Report, which objectively applies a geopolitical perspective to global intelligence issues) lays out the geographic and cultural reality:  Northern Mexico and the Southwest United States are a single geographic unit whose culture reflects and sustains its Spanish-Mexican heritage.

Nowhere is this more evident than in the border towns—El Paso, Texas/Ciudad Juarez, Mexico; Brownsville, Texas/Matamoros, Mexico; Laredo, Texas-Nuevo Laredo, Mexico; McAllen, Texas/Reynosa, Mexico; San Diego, California/Tijuana, Mexico. Nogales literally straddles the border—part in Arizona, part in Mexico.

Until recently, the border was a mere formality that did not affect the life of these vibrant border communities. Residents shopped on both sides of the border, nor was it uncommon for large, extended families to have members living on both sides.

Reed came upon a somewhat rambling but nonetheless interesting article on the mixing of Mexican and U.S. holiday traditions—and commerce! The piece was published in Frontera NorteSur—a journalism project of the University of New Mexico in Las Cruces, NM, located about 30 miles from El Paso, TX/Ciudad Juarez.

The piece focuses around the Mercado Mayapan, which was founded by former garment workers who banded together to promote grassroots economic development. The Mercado Mayapan is a place where residents and visitors can shop for fair trade-oriented holiday gifts while reaffirming traditional culture. “It’s not about the consumerist aspect,” a spokeswoman said, “It’s more about the get-together”—fiestas!

To celebrate Navidad, the Mercado sponsored mariachi bands, a traditional posada, and a giant piñata for children of all ages!   

The Mercado is also reviving another tradition that counters today's rampant commercialism. On the morning of the Posada, Orozco and several friends did a trial run of a tianguis (exchange by barter), which they'd like to hold on a regular basis. For their first tianguis, market friends traded body care products and natural foods including oatmeal, fresh mint and chiles curtidos (chiles in vinegar).

Holiday Traditions Straddle the Border

From here, the piece broadens out to include various holiday customs celebrated on both sides of the border.  In Puerto Vallarta, for example, restaurants feature traditional Thanksgiving dinners to their large U.S. and Canadian expat community, tourists and, tellingly, Mexican nationals as well.  

Other holidays have become transcultural, including Día de los Muertos (Day of the Dead) and Halloween, where Mexican skulls (calaveras), notably la Catrina, are showing up in the U.S., and young people south of the border are dressing up in ghoulish Halloween costumes. For our part, Reed and I were startled to see carved pumpkins (jack o'lanterns) adorning a grave in a Pátzcuaro panteón (graveyard)! 

One unfortunate byproduct is the extension of Black Friday into Mexico. In November Mexico City sponsored a 'Good Weekend'—the Mexican version of the famed (or, infamous, depending on your point of view) U.S. discount day.  

The piece wraps up with a lovely anecdote. An older woman, Lydia Zavala, has brought her great-niece to the Mercado Mayapan to shop for jewelry and a CD. Asked why she chose the Mercado, Zavala replied, “It’s handmade, and we’re supporting these artisans as opposed to supporting corporate America,” Zavala said. “This is the only place in El Paso that celebrates the Mexican traditions well…we need to keep it alive. We need to keep all these traditions alive.”

The reality is more complicated, but what is abundantly clear is the transcultural ambiance of these border towns. Since 1550 B.C. when the first Phoenician traders set forth in their galleys hugging the coasts of the Mediterranean Sea, through the Age of Exploration...and Trade, up to today's gigantic container ships, the peoples and the cultures of the world have been exchanging products and ideas.

We are all enriched by this millenniums-old tradition of trade and cultural exchange.  Enjoy!

Still Curious?
 
If you'd like to read the original article, here's the link: http://fnsnews.nmsu.edu/2011/12/20/contesting-and-reclaiming-the-holidays/

Friday, December 16, 2011

Mexico Traditions: Pastorelas

When we lived in Pátzcuaro, Reed volunteered  twice a week playing board games with the boys at the Casa Hogar, a residence home for boys whose families are unable to feed them. At Christmas the first year, he returned home, eyes twinkling with sheer delight, to tell me about the pastorela navideño that the boys had put on.

One performance stood out. The boy played his role with great gusto. "What was his role?" I asked innocently. Luzbel, Lucifer, the Devil.  "What?" I asked intrigued, "There was a devil in the Christmas play? I've never heard of such a thing!"

At the time, I was intrigued, but not yet spurred to action. The next year, I went with Reed.  I couldn't believe my eyes. This was like no Christmas Play I had ever seen. Even to this güera (fair-haired USer) struggling at times with colloquial Spanish, it was a delightful work punctuated with moments of outright hilarity! Needless to say, I was hooked!

Origins of the Pastorela  

Pastorelas originated in Italy about 1223 when Saint Francis of Assisi had the idea of representing the Birth of Jesus in a Nativity scene. The religious purpose was to propagate the Christian faith by instructing illiterate peasants in the Christmas story. From Italy, the custom of Nativity scenes spread around the world. In Mexico the tradition developed with a uniquely Mexican flavor.

In 1530, a mere twenty years after the arrival of the Spanish, Brother Juan de Zumárrago, first bishop of Nueva España (Mexico), decreed that A Farce of the Delightful Birth of our Savior ("Farsa de la Natividad Gozosa de Nuestro Salvador”) be written. Brother Zumárrago's decree drew on the European tradition of medieval morality plays—short, one-act plays whose purpose was to instruct the masses.

The first pastorelas were written by missionaries in the order founded in St. Francis's name, Franciscans, who were the first to arrive in Nueva España. A while later, the Franciscans were joined by missionaries from other monastic orders, who also wrote pastorelas.

The first pastorela staged on Mexican soil was presented in 1533 at Santiago of Tlatelolco and was titled, El fin del Mundo (The End of the World). The indigenous people were receptive to liturgical drama, because their own tradition included both expressive rites for honoring their gods and a repertoire of true theater works.

The indigenous were also encouraged because the bishop's decree specified that 'dances, songs and flowers' be performed—elements considered by the indigenous to be essential parts of any fiesta. The open-air chapels of the churches served as backdrop for the first staging of this allegorical play celebrating the Eucharist and, later, pastorelas navideños.  

In Mexico the form and content of the pastorela evolved slowly, the result not only of indigenous influences but of dynamics emanating from an emerging Mexican identity. Secular authors began to write works with popular content, thus uncoupling the text from religious tradition. These works mocked not only the political and religious authorities, but aristocratic Mexican society as well. It is fair to say that the pastorela has been adopted as a welcome Christmas tradition by all classes of Mexican society.

With the passage of time, the pastorela assumed its present form—dialogues, songs, dances, and staged battles. Its simple language is passed through an oral tradition that culminates in performances in the streets, plazas and Atrios (forecourts) of churches.

Other pastorelas are scripted and formally staged in theaters, auditoriums or cultural centers, often with professional actors. In the 19th century, José Joaquin Fernández de Lizardi wrote "The Most Fortunate Night" (La noche más venturosa), credited with being the first theatrical pastorela.

Pastorela: Plot and Characters 

The basic plot consists of a group of pilgrims traveling to Bethlehem to take gifts to the newborn Holy Child.  But a group of devils attempt to disrupt their journey by putting all manner of temptations in front of the pilgrims.

In the end, good triumphs. Luzbel (Lucifer) is defeated by Saint Michael, and the pilgrims deliver their gifts to the Holy Child, whom they lull to sleep by singing. All the pilgrims kiss the Infant and make their exit singing.

Characters in the pastorelas include shepherds, devils, angels and archangels and a hermit. Various regions of Mexico add regionally significant characters, such as Indians, ranchers, or a monk. The Virgin Mary, Joseph and the Holy Child are usually presented as figures in a silent tableau of the Nativity Scene.

The shepherds are headed by one or two daffy women, whose husbands are usually named Bato and Bartolo—both comic characters. Foolish and weak, both husbands have a sweet tooth that will torment them on their pilgrimage.

Bartolo has another function. Owing to his ignorance, he is constantly asking 'What's going on?' His questions frame answers that relate the sacred history: the circumstances of Mary's and Joseph's pilgrimage, the Birth of Jesus, and the Adoration of the Three Kings. The Hermit's prayers support the Pilgrims' highest desires.

A group of devils is headed by Lucifer, his assistant Asmodea and a group of demons.  In many regional variations, devils represent and act out the Seven Deadly Sins, to hilarious comic effect!

The Archangel Saint Michael fights fierce battles with the demons, whom he ultimately conquers. Although the Archangel San Gabriel announces the birth of the Redeemer, he isn't always part of the cast of a pastorela.

Pastorela Navideño: Performance at Casa Hogar, Pátzcuaro, Michoacán 

The following year Reed took these pictures at the Pastorela Navideño, which I also attended. The performance was put on by drama students at the four-year Instituto de Tecnología, whose campus is just outside Pátzcuaro. Their participation was arranged by the Casa Hogar's administrative assistant, who is also an administrator at the Instituto.

The performance began with the entrance of the sheep.
Sheep played by boys from the Casa Hogar
The band of pilgrims enter next. In this version, it is a family that makes the pilgrimage. This variation reflects the region's primary value—family.
The Pilgrim Family
Forceful Leader of the Pilgrims
In Mexico, los grandes (the elderly) are greatly respected for their age and wisdom. La abuelita (Little Grandmother) is a fixture in Mexican families and in many theater works.
Weak, hapless husband
Daughter/wife walking with the abuelita
Luzbel makes his Grand Entrance, to the noisy delight of the audience, which has clearly anticipated his arrival. The Devil's role in this instance was tormenting the pilgrim family with temptations based on the seven deadly sins: greed, gluttony, sloth, pride, envy, wrath and lust.

The temptations are acted broadly as in a farce. The audience was obviously looking forward to the Devil's shenanigans. They were not disappointed!
El Diablo (Devil) played the role to the hilt...
As is plain to see!
The Archangel Saint Michael arrives to do battle with Lucifer.
Saint Michael confronts Lucifer, whose performance was so outrageous that even Saint Michael couldn't refrain from smiling!  Nonetheless, Saint Michael succeeded in defeating the Devil. 
Joseph and Mary arrive in Bethlehem, carrying the Holy Infant, as do the Pilgrims. 
All ends well. 
¡Feliz Navidad de México!


Thursday, December 15, 2011

Mexican Traditions: Las Posadas

Today is December 16th, the first day of the Mexican tradition of Posadas ('Inns'), which mark the nine days leading up to Christmas Eve on December 24th.

At the heart of Posadas are families and neighbors who gather to commemorate Joseph's and Mary's journey to Bethlehem in order to fulfill the Roman decree and await the imminent birth of their Child. The religious core of Posadas is the novena—praying the rosary together each day for nine days, each day representing one month of Mary's pregnancy.

We first experienced Posadas in Pátzcuaro, Michoacán, where each barrio (neighborhood) holds its Posada on a different night. The first one we attended was hosted by the swimming school where we swam three times a week.

Driving up to the school, we were startled to see a bonfire (fogata) blazing away right in the middle of the street.  ¡Es México!  Students and their families sat on chairs set up around the fire, chatting quietly and watching the flames dance.

After saying the rosary together as a group, there was some brief confusion, then the pilgrimage began. Two children were dressed as Mary and Joseph; others were dressed as angels and shepherds.

Knocking at the school's different doors, the pilgrims recited the traditional request for lodging. Twice they were ritually turned away by the person designated to be the 'innkeeper' at that door.

Mexican newspaper, Milenio, posted this charming
watercolor of Pilgrims Seeking Shelter at the Inn

At the third door, the 'innkeeper' agreed to give shelter to Mary and Joseph, and the fiesta began. Everyone was offered atole (sweetened corn drink) and three kinds of pozole (hominy soup—Reed's favorite!): red (carne-beef), white (pollo-chicken) and green (green chiles). Yes, red, white and green are the colors of the Mexican flag.

The children engaged enthusiastically in striking a piñata. The traditional style piñata has seven points, each marked with streamers. The cones represent the Seven Deadly Sins (pecados): greed, gluttony, sloth, pride, envy, wrath and lust.

Traditional Piñatas:
Seven Cones Symbolize Seven Deadly Sins

Blindfolded and dizzy from being spun around, each child in turn (personifying 'blind faith') hits at the piñata with a big stick symbolizing virtue. When the piñata yield at last to the children's 'virtuous' blows of 'blind faith', dulces (sweets) and fruit fall to the ground. These fruits and candies (manna) represent God's grace freely given when faith triumphs over sin.

We were also blessed to enjoy a Posada at the home of a Mexican friend. Their house is on a dead end street, which had been closed off for the night. So we got out of the cab and walked up. As we walked, we passed perhaps three or four small fogatas (campfires) in the street. Around each fire, a small family group sat chatting quietly.

When we arrived at the house, our host family had almost finished saying the rosary together, led by a woman from the church. Everyone was served the traditional atole and posole. Also traditional is ponche, a sweet punch prepared from seasonal fruits (Mexican hawthorn berries, tamarind, apple, sugar cane, guayaba).

After a time, the pilgrims arrived singing at the front door, carrying candles and bearing a nacimiento (creche). Once again, children dressed as Mary and Joseph were accompanied by others dressed as angels and shepherds and, again, the litany was repeated: Joseph's ritual plea for a place to stay, and the host's ritual refusal.

At a spiritual level, the question posed by Posadas has been phrased as, "Are we willing to give shelter within our own hearts to the Coming of the Light of the World?"

At the end of the evening, the children were given a small basket (aguinaldo) filled with peanuts and small sweets. In this context, the aguinaldo is said to symbolize the giving of communion.

Origins of Posadas

Like just about everything else in Mexico, this 424-year old tradition has a long, rich and complex history, beginning with the birthday celebration of Huitzilopochtli, the Aztec sun god, whose birthday falls at the time of the Winter Solstice (December 21).

The birth of the sun god marks the year's shortest day and longest night, when the sun is poised to return, thus again lengthening the days. The birth of Jesus, Light of the World, has similarly been set at this time of longest night, when all is darkest, just before the sun begins its return journey to the north.

Immediately after the Conquest, Cortés petitioned the Spanish king to send monks to evangelize the indigenous peoples. In response, the king sent Franciscan Friars, whose methods were creatively adaptive. Wherever possible, the Friars sought to replace Mesoamerican fiestas with celebrations tied to the liturgical calendar. One such substitution occurred around the birthday celebration of Huitzilopochtli.

Curiously, Mesoamerican traditions included something similar to the piñata. To celebrate the birthday of the Aztec Huitzilopochtli (sun god) at year's end, priests placed a clay pot on a pole in the temple. Colorful feathers adorned the richly decorated pot, filled with tiny treasures. When broken with a stick or club, the treasures fell to the feet of the god's image as an offering.

The Mayans played a game where the player’s eyes were covered while hitting a clay pot suspended by string. The missionaries ingeniously transformed these games for religious instruction. They covered the traditional pot with colored paper, giving it an extraordinary, even an attractive, appearance intended to represent Satan, who tempts the weak.

In 1587, nearly seventy years after the arrival of the Spanish, Fray Diego de Soria celebrated masses that he called 'de aguinaldo' (gratitude or gift given at year's end; in Mexico, the Christmas propina—'bonus'—given to workers is called el aguinaldo).  

Indigenous peoples were not accustomed to being inside buildings, so Fray Diego held his masses in the Atrio (courtyard) of the church for the nine days (December 16-24) before Christmas. The masses featured scenes from the Birth of Jesus.

In the eighteenth century, celebrations of Posadas slowly migrated from the church to the barrios (neighborhoods) and casas (family houses). Over time, popular songs replaced religious music.

Posadas are celebrated throughout the Republic of Mexico—each region contributing its own unique cultural variations—and in Guatemala. Posadas are also celebrated throughout Latin America, as well as within strong Mexican communities in the United States.

Today many Posadas have lost their religious roots. We're curious to learn how they are celebrated in our new urban home, Coyoacán in Mexico City.

Other Christmas posts:

Tuesday, December 13, 2011

Mexican Traditions: Pilgrimage (Peregrinación)

"Pilgrimages are different from other journeys. Unlike most travelers, pilgrims are drawn to places where divine presence is revealed. 
"The pilgrim's journey is preparation for an encounter with sacredness. Setting out from home, the pilgrim becomes a foreigner (peregrinus in Latin) who experiences exhausting physical trials and threatening human encounters. This suffering consecrates the journey as sacred—'set apart' from life's daily routines. The pilgrimage requires support on the road for body and spirit."  - George Kubler
When we lived in Pátzcuaro, Michoacán, we rented a house, Casa Mariposa (Butterfly House), on the pueblo's outskirts. When Casa Mariposa was built thirty years ago, Lake Pátzcuaro's shoreline extended nearly into its back yard. Across the years, water levels have dropped, exposing lake bed and creating additional milpa (corn fields) and pasture land.

A vía (dirt lane) runs in front of Casa Mariposa, along which normally walk Purhépecha campesinos, including a cowherd and his dog moving a small herd of cattle morning and evening between lake bed pastures, students going to/from the nearby campus of the Instituto de Tecnología, the occasional dog walker and even a bicyclist now and then.

Pilgrimages from/to Pátzcuaro

But on the weekend before Ash Wednesday, foot traffic on the vía is crowded with pilgrims setting out from Pátzcuaro to walk to Tzintzuntzanan annual peregrinación, pilgrimage, of 17.5 km (almost 11 miles). Our first year an expat friend made the trek. He told us that the vía doesn't always follow the highway; in places, it crosses open land, opening up unobstructed views of the countryside but also requiring pilgrims carefully to pick their way over numerous stone walls.

Various customs are associated with peregrinación. One custom is grounded in the Mesoamerican tradition of hospitalitya pilgrim's request for water or food is not refused. We learned this custom first-hand our second year when a Mexican acquaintance rang the bell at the gate of Casa Mariposa and asked for water, which we gladly gave even though at the time we were ignorant of the custom.Nor, shamefully, did we recognize our acquaintance out of his usual context. Only later did he tell us, with a sweet smile, about the custom and, in the telling, relate that it had been he and his young daughter who had rung our bell.

One weekend in Pátzcuaro, Reed and I walked up to the Basílica de la Virgen de la Salud, patron saint of Pátzcuaro. To our astonishment, about a hundred horses were tied to the railing in the courtyard in front of the entrance to the Basílica. We learned that it was a peregrinacióna traditional multi-day pilgrimage on horseback from all over the surrounding regions in order to secure a blessing at the Basílica de la Virgen de la Salud (Our Lady of Health).

At our favorite family restaurant, El Camino Real (The Royal Highway) near Casa Mariposa, we encountered bicyclists on peregrinación around Lake Pátzcuaro. Their destination was also the Basílica, where they would receive the annual blessing of the bicyclists.

Pilgrimage from Tacámbaro to Carácuaro to honor el Cristo Crucificado, el Cristo Negro

Another year, the brother and aunt of a good Mexican friend made the peregrinación from Tacámbaro, down in the tierra caliente (hot lands approaching the Pacific Coast) to Carácuaro. This pilgrimage to venerate the Cristo Crucificado (Crucified Christ) of Carácuaro begins on the Friday preceding Ash Wednesday.


Pilgrims bound for Carácuaro also set out from other pueblos, including Nahuatzen on the Purhépecha Meseta and Santa Clara del Cobre, near Pátzcuaro. 

The pueblo of Tacámbaro is the gathering point for hundreds of the faithful who walk across the mountains—a grueling, 14-hour trek whether undertaken by day, with its intense heat, or by night, with the dangers of walking at night.

Pilgrims wear comfortable clothes. Some of the faithful carry heavy crosses or even walk barefoot as an expression of gratitude for a blessing received from the Cristo Negro (Black Christ). Those walking at night carry blankets with them, sleeping gear, and flashlights to illuminate the path.

Many people set up puestos (food stands) along the path to sell food, fruit, juice, water and other items to the pilgrims. Apart from vendors, other people along the path give fruit and water to the pilgrims. These gifts are made either to fulfill a manda (sacred promise) or because the givers—once pilgrims themselves—wish to pass on to these pilgrims the supportive aid they themselves once received.

Cultural Roots of Peregrinación

Over time, we have become increasingly aware of pilgrimage as a distinct cultural phenomenon. One of the many pleasures of living in Mexico is a constantly unfolding dialogue between day-to-day cultural experience and our subsequent search for information to deepen our understanding. Whenever possible, we read Mexican sources in Spanish.

But every once in awhile, we come across something in English that speaks strongly to our experience. That's what happened when I came upon a description of pre-Columbian pilgrimages by Yale art historian George Kubler, internationally recognized scholar of Pre-Columbian America.

The first paragraph rang a bell:
"Before Columbus, Old and New World customs of pilgrimage differed greatly.... In the Old World, pilgrimage..has to do with journey...and endeavor....Old World pilgrimages are individual journeys in search of some personal favor."
Mesoamerican pilgrimages were very different, Kubler continues. Rather than individual journeys, Mesoamerican pilgrimages were
"...collective endeavors for guaranteeing the continuity of the universe against catastrophic dissolution in an unstable world."
In earlier posts we've described Mexico's geography, the actual, real-world implications of settlements on or near Mexico's Volcanic Axis, and the devastation of Cuicuilco, an early agrarian community in the Valley of Mexico, when Xitle, a nearby volcano, erupted.

The early peoples who settled this land knew first-hand the possibility of "catastrophic dissolution [of their communities] in an unstable world." A profound recognition of the world's inherent instability is part and parcel of the Mexican psyche and may be the root of the culture's inherent fatalism.

The question for Mexico's early peoples was, "How might we humans influence these destructive powers?" To the Western mind, the Mesoamerican solution to human helplessness before overwhelming natural force was extreme. The Aztec creation myths encapsulate the solution: two Aztec gods throw themselves into the sacred fire to bring light to the natural world; in turn, humans sacrifice their blood to nourish the gods. These mutual, reciprocal sacrifices assured the stability and continuity of the natural world.

Franciscan Missionaries Bring the Cross to Indigenous CommunitiesWith a Twist

Here's Kubler's description:
"The Spanish introduction of one god as Father, Son, and Holy Ghost rapidly spread the idea of the Christian god dying for man's salvation. This reversed the moral situation in America, from the sacrifice of humans, to the sacrifice of god in the crucifixion and mass, of the body of only one god for all humanityone symbolic sacrifice repeated at every mass everywhere, instead of the imminent sacrifice of any and every human in order that some gods might live." [emphasis added]
After the arrival of the Spanish, Christian pilgrimages appeared in Nueva España under the authority of the Spanish monarchy and the Catholic Church. These "new and inviting pilgrimages displaced the harsh, Mesoamerican, eschatological [relating to end of world] pilgrimages of endeavor to save the universe" (Kubler). It may be that Kubler over-simplified history.

This is where reading Mexican cultural historians in Spanish comes in handy. Enrique Florescano, for example, describes the eschatological (end of time) theology embraced by the Franciscan friarsthe first missionaries to arrive in Nueva España.

For reasons embedded in the Judeo-Christian sense of history, the birth and death of Jesus was seen as a decisive break with past history and the beginning of a divine plan for mankind. After the Resurrection, mankind set out on a pilgrimage toward the Apocalypsethe End of the World, Final Judgment and the Second Coming of the Messiah, when God and Christ would bring human history to an end.

The Church's role was to expand the community of the faithful by preaching the True Word of Salvation to all nations of the world. At the return of the Messiah, the worldly powers would be destroyedtheir rule replaced with a reign of the Holy Saints. This message, embraced by St. Francis and the monastic order founded in his name, had special appeal for the downtrodden masses and dissident Christians.

In Nueva España the apocalyptic message received a special twist. Jerónimo de Mendieta, Franciscan missionary and historian, saw Adam-like qualities in Mexico's original peoples,
"...simple, docile, guileless, humble, obedient, and living in harmony with their poverty" and "the indians [sic] were the creatures of the Lord" mentioned in the New Testament. Innocent, simple, pure, "they will inherit the kingdom of heaven."
The Franciscans thus saw in the original people perfect 'material' for recreating the asceticism and apostolic poverty that had characterized the early followers of Jesusideals shared only by original people and the ascetic order of Franciscan friars. In Mendieta's view,
"friars of the mendicant orders [under vows of poverty] and the indians would be the soul of the population of the celestial city."
Legend of the Black Christ of Carácuaro

The Franciscans' apocalyptic beliefs meshed smoothly with deeply-held Mesoamerican beliefs regarding the potential 'catastrophic dissolution of the universe' (in Kubler's memorable phrase). The result was a spiritual syncretism: Catholic beliefs melded with a far older belief system that can be traced back to the Mesoamerican worldview.

This syncretism is apparent in the legend of the Señor de Carácuaro. The sculpture was created in pasta de caña de maíz—a corn paste medium widely used by artisan sculptors before the arrival of the Spanish. Local legend has it that every year the Black Christ's head stretches farther down toward his chest. When his chin touches his chest, it will signal the end of the world. 

Evangelization Strategy of the Franciscans

The Franciscan friars were deliberate with their strategy for evangelization—explaining to the original people that their beliefs were 'on the road' to Christianity, the One True Faith. Similarly, the friars were intentional in replacing ancient rites and rituals with Christian devotional activities. To support this activity, early Franciscan missionaries documented original practices, including pilgrimages.

Kubler's analysis of these historical documents identifies four categories of Mesoamerican pilgrimages for the purpose of honoring and placating deities; namely:
  • Water deities, located in mountains, caves, rivers and springsthese same sites were also visited at times of calendrical recurrences marking cyclical beginnings and endings;
  • Deities that acted as tribal protectors or guardians;
  • Semi-historical men-gods (Quetzalcóatl, the plumed serpent);
  • Deities of health and sickness.  
By far the most common pilgrimages were to places associated with water deities.

Michoacán State: El Rio Carácuaro

The majority of Michoacán's waterwaysrivers and streamsare located in the southern part of the state. Of these, the Balsas River is the most important. Together with its tributaries, the river system covers an area of 39,407 square meters. In Michoacán, the Cutzamala, Carácuaro and Tepalcatepec Rivers flow into the Balsas River.

Rio Carácuaro at Carácuaro, Michoacán
Fed by a number of rivers and streams, the Carácuaro River runs north to south and flows into the Balsas River, which empties into the Pacific Ocean at the Port of Lázaro Cárdenas. The Río Carácuaro is not an important river for navigation, but it is an important source of water for crop irrigation—especially maís (corn), which means that it may have been a destination for 'honoring and placating' the gods to assure a good supply of the water essential for the life-sustaining maís.

Too shallow to be navigated by large boats, the Río Carácuaro remains an important source of water for crop irrigation
If the people were threatened by drought from lack of rainfall, they also faced the opposite threat of flooding if the Rio San Juan overflowed its banks—shown by this UTube video (1:21 sec).

Church at Carácuaro

Father José María Morelos—hero of Mexico's struggle for independence from Spain—served as priest in the Church at Carácuaro from 1798 to 1810. This Church is host to the thousands who come not only from the State of Michoacán, but from all over the Republic of Mexico to honor el Señor de Carácuaro.

Pilgrims often approach the sanctuary on their knees. They try to get as close as possible to el Santo Cristo de Carácuaro (The Holy Christ of Carácuaro) in order to give thanks for blessings received and to seek health and happiness for their loved ones.

The old chronicles of Carácuaro speak of a Cristo Negro given by Brother Juan Bautista de Moya to a pueblo in the State of Mexico in the 16th century. For unknown reasons, the gift was turned down, and the statue was given instead to the Church in Carácuaro.

It is my speculation that the Rio Carácuaro was significant for the people—perhaps even a destination of pilgrimage—long before the arrival of the Spanish in 1519. It may be that the friars decided to give the statue to the Church at Carácuaro in an effort to replace original practices with Catholic devotional activities.

With the passage of time, this Black Christ has become famous for his ability to effect miracles, and he has come to be venerated as a saint, thereafter known as El Señor de Carácuaro (The Lord of Carácuaro).

A short article in Spanish on Mexican pilgrimage fuels this speculation. The writer notes that as Spanish missionaries replaced local deities with the Christian God, "as it happens," miracles attributed to Christian saints occurred on the same sanctuary sites formerly devoted to indigenous gods. Examples given are the Virgin of Guadalupe (1531), el Cristo Moreno (Brown Christ) of Chalma (1573), the Christ of Otitlán (1596) and San Juan de los Lagos (Saint John of the Lakes - 1623).

Two Legends of Carácuaro

The following legends were given to me by a Mexican friend, whose mother gave them to her:
One pilgrim is very famous. The people say that many years ago, a young woman named Mariana decided to make the pilgrimage. She grumbled as she walked along, saying that she’d made a bad decision to go on the pilgrimage. The other pilgrims told her that she had to continue, because if she abandoned her pilgrimage she would have bad luck, or God would punish her. Mariana didn’t believe what the people were telling her, and she stopped walking. During the night, while she was sleeping, Mariana was made into a cerro (hill). The Cerro de Mariana is visible from the pilgrimage road that crosses the mountains. From that time to this day, the belief exists that pilgrims who abandon their pilgrimage never arrive at the pueblo of Carácuaro.
This first legend dramatizes the mental and physical trials suffered by pilgrims. That the young woman is named Mariana is startling because it is a variant of Mary—always associated with the Virgin Mary. If the legend is a cautionary tale of what happens to those who abandon their quest to encounter the sacred, the legend also emphasizes the virtue of the pilgrims who persevere.

The second legend continues from the first:
The people also say that the man who carries Mariana to Carácuaro will receive many riches. The man must take a stone from the Cerro de Mariana and carry it on his back without turning to see it. There are pilgrims who say they have seen men carrying beasts, snakes or monsters in place of the stone. Up to now, no man has ever completed this feat. Some have arrived at the Rio San Juan with the stone, but just when they are crossing, they hear strange noises coming from the stone. When they turn and see what they are carrying, they become terrified and let the stone fall in the river.
This legend is fascinating. Completion of the heroic featcarrying Mariana to Carácuarois to be rewarded with untold riches.  The wrinkle, 'without turning to see', brings to mind other myths that also demand 'blind obedience' from the faithful.

One is the story of Lot's wife whohaving been told by God not to look backnonetheless looked back at Sodom; for her disobedience, she was turned into a Pillar of Salt. Another is the Greek myth of Orpheus whowarned not to look back as he walked his wife out from the Underworldbecame anxious as he neared the earth's surface. In his anxiety, he looked back at his wife and thus lost her forever.

'Beasts, snakes, monsters seen in the place of the stone', of course, are representations of the Underworld. Terrified by the monsters of the Underworld, each man has let the stone fall from his back into the river and hence return to its ancient place.

The roots of this legend extend deep into the Mesoamerican substratum on which much of Mexican culture rests.

Still Curious?

Unfortunately, except for George Kubler's article, I couldn't find any materials on Mexican pilgrimage in English.

Short, interesting article about Mexican pilgrimages written for Spanish-speaking tourists, but it gives interesting historical background: http://www.explorandomexico.com.mx/about-mexico/4/220/

Any of the UTube videos that follow show others along the right border of the UTube site.
  • Short statements made by the faithful introduce this video, then follow dances performed by pilgrims from many different pueblos, some wearing costumes of the Moors (3:02 sec).
Explanatory Note: The Spanish told the original people that just as the Spanish had prevailed over the Moors in Spain, so would they (Spanish) prevail over them (original people). When asked about the costumes, today's dancers say, "We don't know why; we just do the dances because they are our tradition." Reed's take is that these costumes of the Moors are a replay of the scenario with the first Spanish soldiers and represent the submission of the original people to Spanish power—to those bearers of the Cross and the Sword to these traditional lands:  http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Dx-kMEflzQw

Fiesta de la Virgen de Guadalupe

Yesterday was the fiesta of the Virgin of Guadalupe. The primary celebration is held at the Basilica of the Virgin of Guadalupe in Mexico City. Hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of the faithful made pilgrimages to celebrate her day.

The Virgin appears to Juan Diego
In an earlier post, I wrote about the Virgin of Guadalupe and the historical context of her appearance to the Nahuatl peasant, Juan Diego, canonized in the twentieth century as the first American saint.

Even if you don't speak Spanish, this CNN piece nonetheless conveys the sights and sounds that greeted the faithful arriving at the Basílica.

Large crowds are no longer in my repertoire, so we looked for ways closer to home to honor her day. When I observed to our taxi driver that today is the fiesta of the Virgin of Guadalupe, he brightened visibly at my words before proudly replying, "Yes, today is the day we celebrate being Mexicans."

Yet again, I was struck by the power of having something I've read come to life right in front of me. The taxi driver gave voice to a deep truth of Mexican culture: the appearance of the Virgin of Guadalupe has served to unite all the peoples of Mexico like no other event in Mexican history. We heard similar comments in Michoacán, but hearing it for the first time here in the highly urbanized environment that is Mexico City was somehow different—a different facet of a complex cultural reality.

Celebrations of the Independence from Spain and the Revolution are political in nature, but the Fiesta de la Virgen de Guadalupe is something else entirely. Deeply grounded in ethnicity, it symbolizes this Mother's love for all the people, el pueblo, who inhabit Mexican soil.

The Lady's Words

Here is an English translation of a segment of the words traditionally ascribed to the Lady [emphasis added]:
"Know and understand well, you, the most humble of my sons, that I am the ever virgin Holy Mary, Mother of the True God for whom we live, of the Creator of all things, Lord of heaven and the earth. I wish that a temple be erected here quickly, so I may therein exhibit and give all my love, compassion, help, and protection, because I am your merciful mother, to you, and to all the inhabitants on this land and all the rest who love me, invoke and confide in me; listen there to their lamentations, and remedy all their miseries, afflictions and sorrows." [emphasis added]
Initial Impact

At the time, the story of the brown-skinned Lady who spoke in Nahuatl to a common peasant spread quickly through the indigenous communities. The effect was to reassure the original peoples who continued to suffer through the effects of their defeat. Their reassurance derived in large measure from where the Lady appeared: that is, on the Hill of Tepeyac, site of a temple to Tonantzin that was destroyed by Cortés.

Tonantzín was a manifestation of Coatlicue, the earth goddess who both gave and determined the length of life. Juan Diego's vision of the Lady is credited with being a major factor in the conversion of many indigenous to the Catholic faith; in fact, many called her Tonantzin until the Church gave her one name, Guadalupe.

Mestizos—offspring of  Spanish and indigenous unions—embraced the Virgin of Guadalupe as their source of dignity and respect in a colonial environment that gave them neither.

Impact Over Time

Over time, the criollos—Spanish born on Mexican soil, rather than in Spain—came to embrace the Virgin. Although criollos had economic rights, they were denied political power by the Spanish king, they were hence unable to hold any public office. With their embrace of the Virgin of Guadalupe, the criollos reasoned that the Virgin Mary's appearance on the soil of Nueva España legitimized their birthplace and hence their claim to political power.

In 1810, Father Miguel Hidalgo led a peasant rebellion against Spain carrying the banner of the Virgin of Guadalupe. Though crushed, Hidalgo's uprising is credited with being the beginning of Mexico's War for Independence from Spain.

December 12, 2011

This second CNN clip focuses on the reasons people give for coming to the Basílica.

A simple song sung by two women has these words: Guadalupana (the Virgin), era Mexicana (was Mexican) and una hermosa mañana la Guadalupana bajó al Tepeyac (one beautiful morning, the Guadalupana came down the Hill of Tepeyac).

Several pilgrims then speak:
The young woman says she has visited the Virgin of Guadalupe since she was a child; she has afflictions, and the Virgin has helped her. 
The woman praying the rosary is asking for world peace, that people's needs be met, and that those confronting storms in their lives receive the Virgin of Guadalupe's intercession. 
The young man says he is there to demonstrate his faith for going forward in his life.
One of the singers describes the Virgin de Guadalupe:
"She was brown-skinned (morenita); nearly all of us Mexicans are brown-skinned. We are proud of her because she is humble. She protects all the people; she protects the children."
Little, Brown-skinned Virgin 

This fiesta introduced us to two new names for the Virgin of Guadalupe. Each uses the diminutive form much used by Mexicans.  The first is la Virgencita (the Little Virgin); the other is la Morenita (the little brown-skinned one).

How better to sum up the place that the Virgin of Guadalupe, Mother of Mexico, occupies in the hearts and souls of Mexicans than with these affectionately familiar names, la Virgencita and la Morenita?