Mexican Traditions: Pilgrimage (Peregrinación)

"Pilgrimages are different from other journeys. Unlike most travelers, pilgrims are drawn to places where divine presence is revealed. 

"The pilgrim's journey is preparation for an encounter with sacredness. Setting out from home, the pilgrim becomes a foreigner (peregrinus in Latin) who experiences exhausting physical trials and threatening human encounters. This suffering consecrates the journey as sacred—'set apart' from life's daily routines. The pilgrimage requires support on the road for body and spirit."  - George Kubler

When we lived in Pátzcuaro, Michoacán, we rented a house, Casa Mariposa (Butterfly House), on the pueblo's outskirts. When Casa Mariposa was built thirty years ago, Lake Pátzcuaro's shoreline extended nearly into its back yard. Across the years, water levels have dropped, exposing lake bed and creating additional milpa (corn fields) and pasture land.

A vía (dirt lane) runs in front of Casa Mariposa, along which normally walk Purhépecha campesinos, including a cowherd and his dog moving a small herd of cattle morning and evening between lake bed pastures, students going to/from the nearby campus of the Instituto de Tecnología, the occasional dog walker and even a bicyclist now and then.

Pilgrimages from/to Pátzcuaro

But on the weekend before Ash Wednesday, foot traffic on the vía is crowded with pilgrims setting out from Pátzcuaro to walk to Tzintzuntzan—an annual peregrinación, pilgrimage, of 17.5 km (almost 11 miles). Our first year an expat friend made the trek. He told us that the vía doesn't always follow the highway; in places, it crosses open land, opening up unobstructed views of the countryside but also requiring pilgrims carefully to pick their way over numerous stone walls.

Various customs are associated with peregrinación. One custom is grounded in the Mesoamerican tradition of hospitality—a pilgrim's request for water or food is not refused. We learned this custom first-hand our second year when a Mexican acquaintance rang the bell at the gate of Casa Mariposa and asked for water, which we gladly gave even though at the time we were ignorant of the custom.Nor, shamefully, did we recognize our acquaintance out of his usual context. Only later did he tell us, with a sweet smile, about the custom and, in the telling, relate that it had been he and his young daughter who had rung our bell.

One weekend in Pátzcuaro, Reed and I walked up to the Basílica de la Virgen de la Salud, patron saint of Pátzcuaro. To our astonishment, about a hundred horses were tied to the railing in the courtyard in front of the entrance to the Basílica. We learned that it was a peregrinación—a traditional multi-day pilgrimage on horseback from all over the surrounding regions in order to secure a blessing at the Basílica de la Virgen de la Salud (Our Lady of Health).

At our favorite family restaurant, El Camino Real (The Royal Highway) near Casa Mariposa, we encountered bicyclists on peregrinación around Lake Pátzcuaro. Their destination was also the Basílica, where they would receive the annual blessing of the bicyclists.

Pilgrimage from Tacámbaro to Carácuaro to honor el Cristo Crucificado, el Cristo Negro

Another year, the brother and aunt of a good Mexican friend made the peregrinación from Tacámbaro, down in the tierra caliente (hot lands approaching the Pacific Coast) to Carácuaro. This pilgrimage to venerate the Cristo Crucificado (Crucified Christ) of Carácuaro begins on the Friday preceding Ash Wednesday.

Pilgrims bound for Carácuaro also set out from other pueblos, including Nahuatzen on the Purhépecha Meseta and Santa Clara del Cobre, near Pátzcuaro. 

The pueblo of Tacámbaro is the gathering point for hundreds of the faithful who walk across the mountains—a grueling, 14-hour trek whether undertaken by day, with its intense heat, or by night, with the dangers of walking at night.

Pilgrims wear comfortable clothes. Some of the faithful carry heavy crosses or even walk barefoot as an expression of gratitude for a blessing received from the Cristo Negro (Black Christ). Those walking at night carry blankets with them, sleeping gear, and flashlights to illuminate the path.

Many people set up puestos (food stands) along the path to sell food, fruit, juice, water and other items to the pilgrims. Apart from vendors, other people along the path give fruit and water to the pilgrims. These gifts are made either to fulfill a manda (sacred promise) or because the givers—once pilgrims themselves—wish to pass on to these pilgrims the supportive aid they themselves once received.

Cultural Roots of Peregrinación

Over time, we have become increasingly aware of pilgrimage as a distinct cultural phenomenon. One of the many pleasures of living in Mexico is a constantly unfolding dialogue between day-to-day cultural experience and our subsequent search for information to deepen our understanding. Whenever possible, we read Mexican sources in Spanish.

But every once in awhile, we come across something in English that speaks strongly to our experience. That's what happened when I came upon a description of pre-Columbian pilgrimages by Yale art historian George Kubler, internationally recognized scholar of Pre-Columbian America.

The first paragraph rang a bell:

"Before Columbus, Old and New World customs of pilgrimage differed greatly.... In the Old World, pilgrimage..has to do with journey...and endeavor....Old World pilgrimages are individual journeys in search of some personal favor."

Mesoamerican pilgrimages were very different, Kubler continues. Rather than individual journeys, Mesoamerican pilgrimages were

"...collective endeavors for guaranteeing the continuity of the universe against catastrophic dissolution in an unstable world."

In earlier posts we've described Mexico's geography, the actual, real-world implications of settlements on or near Mexico's Volcanic Axis, and the devastation of Cuicuilco, an early agrarian community in the Valley of Mexico, when Xitle, a nearby volcano, erupted.

The early peoples who settled this land knew first-hand the possibility of "catastrophic dissolution [of their communities] in an unstable world." A profound recognition of the world's inherent instability is part and parcel of the Mexican psyche and may be the root of the culture's inherent fatalism.

The question for Mexico's early peoples was, "How might we humans influence these destructive powers?" To the Western mind, the Mesoamerican solution to human helplessness before overwhelming natural force was extreme. The Aztec creation myths encapsulate the solution: two Aztec gods throw themselves into the sacred fire to bring light to the natural world; in turn, humans sacrifice their blood to nourish the gods. These mutual, reciprocal sacrifices assured the stability and continuity of the natural world.

Franciscan Missionaries Bring the Cross to Indigenous Communities—With a Twist

Here's Kubler's description:

"The Spanish introduction of one god as Father, Son, and Holy Ghost rapidly spread the idea of the Christian god dying for man's salvation. This reversed the moral situation in America, from the sacrifice of humans, to the sacrifice of god in the crucifixion and mass, of the body of only one god for all humanity—one symbolic sacrifice repeated at every mass everywhere, instead of the imminent sacrifice of any and every human in order that some gods might live." [emphasis added]

After the arrival of the Spanish, Christian pilgrimages appeared in Nueva España under the authority of the Spanish monarchy and the Catholic Church. These "new and inviting pilgrimages displaced the harsh, Mesoamerican, eschatological [relating to end of world] pilgrimages of endeavor to save the universe" (Kubler). It may be that Kubler over-simplified history.

This is where reading Mexican cultural historians in Spanish comes in handy. Enrique Florescano, for example, describes the eschatological (end of time) theology embraced by the Franciscan friars—the first missionaries to arrive in Nueva España.

For reasons embedded in the Judeo-Christian sense of history, the birth and death of Jesus was seen as a decisive break with past history and the beginning of a divine plan for mankind. After the Resurrection, mankind set out on a pilgrimage toward the Apocalypse—the End of the World, Final Judgment and the Second Coming of the Messiah, when God and Christ would bring human history to an end.

The Church's role was to expand the community of the faithful by preaching the True Word of Salvation to all nations of the world. At the return of the Messiah, the worldly powers would be destroyed—their rule replaced with a reign of the Holy Saints. This message, embraced by St. Francis and the monastic order founded in his name, had special appeal for the downtrodden masses and dissident Christians.

In Nueva España the apocalyptic message received a special twist. Jerónimo de Mendieta, Franciscan missionary and historian, saw Adam-like qualities in Mexico's original peoples,

"...simple, docile, guileless, humble, obedient, and living in harmony with their poverty" and "the indians [sic] were the creatures of the Lord" mentioned in the New Testament. Innocent, simple, pure, "they will inherit the kingdom of heaven."

The Franciscans thus saw in the original people perfect 'material' for recreating the asceticism and apostolic poverty that had characterized the early followers of Jesus—ideals shared only by original people and the ascetic order of Franciscan friars. In Mendieta's view,

"friars of the mendicant orders [under vows of poverty] and the indians would be the soul of the population of the celestial city."

Legend of the Black Christ of Carácuaro

The Franciscans' apocalyptic beliefs meshed smoothly with deeply-held Mesoamerican beliefs regarding the potential 'catastrophic dissolution of the universe' (in Kubler's memorable phrase). The result was a spiritual syncretism: Catholic beliefs melded with a far older belief system that can be traced back to the Mesoamerican worldview.

This syncretism is apparent in the legend of the Señor de Carácuaro. The sculpture was created in pasta de caña de maíz—a corn paste medium widely used by artisan sculptors before the arrival of the Spanish. Local legend has it that every year the Black Christ's head stretches farther down toward his chest. When his chin touches his chest, it will signal the end of the world. 

Evangelization Strategy of the Franciscans

The Franciscan friars were deliberate with their strategy for evangelization—explaining to the original people that their beliefs were 'on the road' to Christianity, the One True Faith. Similarly, the friars were intentional in replacing ancient rites and rituals with Christian devotional activities. To support this activity, early Franciscan missionaries documented original practices, including pilgrimages.

Kubler's analysis of these historical documents identifies four categories of Mesoamerican pilgrimages for the purpose of honoring and placating deities; namely:

• Water deities, located in mountains, caves, rivers and springs—these same sites were also visited at times of calendrical recurrences marking cyclical beginnings and endings;
• Deities that acted as tribal protectors or guardians;
• Semi-historical men-gods (Quetzalcóatl, the plumed serpent);
• Deities of health and sickness.  

By far the most common pilgrimages were to places associated with water deities.

Michoacán State: El Rio Carácuaro

The majority of Michoacán's waterways—rivers and streams—are located in the southern part of the state. Of these, the Balsas River is the most important. Together with its tributaries, the river system covers an area of 39,407 square meters. In Michoacán, the Cutzamala, Carácuaro and Tepalcatepec Rivers flow into the Balsas River.

Rio Carácuaro at Carácuaro, Michoacán

Fed by a number of rivers and streams, the Carácuaro River runs north to south and flows into the Balsas River, which empties into the Pacific Ocean at the Port of Lázaro Cárdenas. The Río Carácuaro is not an important river for navigation, but it is an important source of water for crop irrigation—especially maís (corn), which means that it may have been a destination for 'honoring and placating' the gods to assure a good supply of the water essential for the life-sustaining maís.

Too shallow to be navigated by large boats, the Río Carácuaro remains an important source of water for crop irrigation

If the people were threatened by drought from lack of rainfall, they also faced the opposite threat of flooding if the Rio San Juan overflowed its banks—shown by this UTube video (1:21 sec).

Church at Carácuaro

Father José María Morelos—hero of Mexico's struggle for independence from Spain—served as priest in the Church at Carácuaro from 1798 to 1810. This Church is host to the thousands who come not only from the State of Michoacán, but from all over the Republic of Mexico to honor el Señor de Carácuaro.

Pilgrims often approach the sanctuary on their knees. They try to get as close as possible to el Santo Cristo de Carácuaro (The Holy Christ of Carácuaro) in order to give thanks for blessings received and to seek health and happiness for their loved ones.

The old chronicles of Carácuaro speak of a Cristo Negro given by Brother Juan Bautista de Moya to a pueblo in the State of Mexico in the 16th century. For unknown reasons, the gift was turned down, and the statue was given instead to the Church in Carácuaro.

It is my speculation that the Rio Carácuaro was significant for the people—perhaps even a destination of pilgrimage—long before the arrival of the Spanish in 1519. It may be that the friars decided to give the statue to the Church at Carácuaro in an effort to replace original practices with Catholic devotional activities.

With the passage of time, this Black Christ has become famous for his ability to effect miracles, and he has come to be venerated as a saint, thereafter known as El Señor de Carácuaro (The Lord of Carácuaro).

A short article in Spanish on Mexican pilgrimage fuels this speculation. The writer notes that as Spanish missionaries replaced local deities with the Christian God, "as it happens," miracles attributed to Christian saints occurred on the same sanctuary sites formerly devoted to indigenous gods. Examples given are the Virgin of Guadalupe (1531), el Cristo Moreno (Brown Christ) of Chalma (1573), the Christ of Otitlán (1596) and San Juan de los Lagos (Saint John of the Lakes - 1623).

Two Legends of Carácuaro

The following legends were given to me by a Mexican friend, whose mother gave them to her:

One pilgrim is very famous. The people say that many years ago, a young woman named Mariana decided to make the pilgrimage. She grumbled as she walked along, saying that she’d made a bad decision to go on the pilgrimage. The other pilgrims told her that she had to continue, because if she abandoned her pilgrimage she would have bad luck, or God would punish her. Mariana didn’t believe what the people were telling her, and she stopped walking. During the night, while she was sleeping, Mariana was made into a cerro (hill). The Cerro de Mariana is visible from the pilgrimage road that crosses the mountains. From that time to this day, the belief exists that pilgrims who abandon their pilgrimage never arrive at the pueblo of Carácuaro.

This first legend dramatizes the mental and physical trials suffered by pilgrims. That the young woman is named Mariana is startling because it is a variant of Mary—always associated with the Virgin Mary. If the legend is a cautionary tale of what happens to those who abandon their quest to encounter the sacred, the legend also emphasizes the virtue of the pilgrims who persevere.

The second legend continues from the first:

The people also say that the man who carries Mariana to Carácuaro will receive many riches. The man must take a stone from the Cerro de Mariana and carry it on his back without turning to see it. There are pilgrims who say they have seen men carrying beasts, snakes or monsters in place of the stone. Up to now, no man has ever completed this feat. Some have arrived at the Rio San Juan with the stone, but just when they are crossing, they hear strange noises coming from the stone. When they turn and see what they are carrying, they become terrified and let the stone fall in the river.

This legend is fascinating. Completion of the heroic feat—carrying Mariana to Carácuaro—is to be rewarded with untold riches.  The wrinkle, 'without turning to see', brings to mind other myths that also demand 'blind obedience' from the faithful.

One is the story of Lot's wife who—having been told by God not to look back—nonetheless looked back at Sodom; for her disobedience, she was turned into a Pillar of Salt. Another is the Greek myth of Orpheus who—warned not to look back as he walked his wife out from the Underworld—became anxious as he neared the earth's surface. In his anxiety, he looked back at his wife and thus lost her forever.

'Beasts, snakes, monsters seen in the place of the stone', of course, are representations of the Underworld. Terrified by the monsters of the Underworld, each man has let the stone fall from his back into the river and hence return to its ancient place.

The roots of this legend extend deep into the Mesoamerican substratum on which much of Mexican culture rests.

Still Curious?

Unfortunately, except for George Kubler's article, I couldn't find any materials on Mexican pilgrimage in English.

Short, interesting article about Mexican pilgrimages written for Spanish-speaking tourists, but it gives interesting historical background: http://www.explorandomexico.com.mx/about-mexico/4/220/

Any of the UTube videos that follow show others along the right border of the UTube site.

• This video is somewhat long (14:51 sec), but the narration at the beginning adds detail and the dances from various cities and pueblos are well-photographed: Link: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=232r-q94pDY&feature=related

• Short statements made by the faithful introduce this video, then follow dances performed by pilgrims from many different pueblos, some wearing costumes of the Moors (3:02 sec).

Explanatory Note: The Spanish told the original people that just as the Spanish had prevailed over the Moors in Spain, so would they (Spanish) prevail over them (original people). When asked about the costumes, today's dancers say, "We don't know why; we just do the dances because they are our tradition." Reed's take is that these costumes of the Moors are a replay of the scenario with the first Spanish soldiers and represent the submission of the original people to Spanish power—to those bearers of the Cross and the Sword to these traditional lands:  http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Dx-kMEflzQw

• Link to good description of Michoacán river systems (scroll down to Hidrografía):  http://www.e-local.gob.mx/work/templates/enciclo/michoacan/medi.htm